Abortion vote not a defeat for pope but for
conservative Polish bishops
By ARTHUR
JONES NCR Staff
The Polish parliamentary vote Oct. 24 that liberalized abortion
was less a defeat for Pope John Paul II -- who had appealed to Poles not to
approve the bill -- than it was partisan Polish politics amid the increasing
secularization of Polish society, according to one seasoned observer.
Life issues to one side, the political loser in the confrontation
was not the pope but the Polish "church," meaning the Polish bishops as
centralized in their episcopal conference, said commentator Jonathan Luxmoore
in a telephone interview from Warsaw, Poland.
Luxmoore, who is completing a book on the pope's role in the end
of Polish communist rule, said "the conference is where the real antagonism
toward the government rests, and from where the church issues the fighting
statements that have come out repeatedly over the last few years --
particularly since the election of an ex-communist-dominated government in
September 1993."
The vote overturned a 1993 law -- put into effect by a
pro-Catholic government -- that permitted abortion only to preserve the
mother's life or when the pregnancy resulted from rape or incest or when the
fetus was nonviable. The vote in the Parliament's lower house was to override
senate blockage of the legislation. Catholics -- and 90 percent of Poles are
nominally Catholic -- bombarded their representatives with letters and staged a
massive silent march to no avail.
But the problem -- for the church -- is greater than the presence
of former communist President Aleksander Kwasniewski, who promised to
immediately sign the new abortion bill into law. It has to do with the growth
of democracy.
Luxmoore, a British journalist living in Warsaw, said, "Broadly
speaking the period since 1989 (when the communist regime fell) has been one of
adjustment for the church, almost of failed adjustment. Under communist rule
the situation was, paradoxically, at least in some respects a rather favorable
one for the church."
The 1980s, the latter communist period, witnessed the great age of
church-building in Poland, Luxmoore said, and the statistics reflected it:
church attendance and vocations were at record levels.
"It was almost a Golden Age for the church," said the commentator.
"Since then," he continued, "the church has had to compete with a great many
other attractions, a great many other expressions of civic, official, social
and moral loyalty that have come into Polish society since the end of communist
rule."
The Polish institutional church is not dealing easily with what
Luxmoore -- a specialist on Eastern European affairs -- calls Poland's "chaotic
democracy" and was in some ways content with the earlier, "tidier way of
dealing with things behind the scenes with the government, operating with a
certain balance of power even though it knew those people were hostile to it,"
he said.
"It was," said Luxmoore, "a carefully worked out system of checks
and balances and privileges. Negotiations happened behind the scenes without
any scrutiny by the press or public."
With the end of communism and the liberalizing of the media and
civic organizations "the situation is entirely different," he said, "and the
church has to deal in the full glare of television cameras with hostile
parliamentarians. The church is not happy with the situation and has had a lot
of trouble adjusting to it," he said.
Essentially the church, if forced to choose, he said, "would
probably opt for a democratic system, but a democracy that preserves the kind
of institutional values the church wants to see preserved." As this latest vote
illustrates, that is not happening in Poland.
The center of Catholic authority in Poland is the episcopal
conference of 112 bishops. Even so, Luxmoore said, "there is often a big
difference between what the conference says and what the local priests -- or
even the occasional bishop -- is saying."
There is a group of about 7 to 10 bishops who "appear to be very
reasonable people, younger and rather ostentatiously approachable, with good
media presence and so forth," he said, "but that still leaves well over a
hundred" who are much more traditional -- and confrontational.
The pope, Luxmoore said, is outside the political equation. "His
name and authority are used to support the position of the bishops' conference
on particular issues, the constitution, the concordat, abortion and so forth,
yet his position in Poland remains somewhat fascinating.
"The knowledge of the pope's teaching among Poles is at a very low
level, lower than among American Catholics, for example," said Luxmoore,
"because, I think, the Polish bishops' conference wants to keep actual public
knowledge of the pope at that low level."
The bishops prefer to have the pope as a lofty figure, he said,
and the bishops do not want Poles and Polish Catholics debating what the pope
says and does.
"It isn't necessary from the bishops' conference point of view to
disseminate what the pope is saying, or allow any critical awareness -- how
does the pope compare with his predecessors, why do Catholics in the West so
often disagree with what the pope says, and so on -- for Poles might start
questioning," he said.
"Paradoxically, that is why there's a very undeveloped knowledge
of the pope, his system, his anthropology, his moral theology. Very
undeveloped," said Luxmoore.
With or without the pope, the Polish Catholic decline continues.
Church attendance (Mass two or three times a month), is at 35 per cent, down
from the high 50s in 1989, Luxmoore said, while vocations -- particularly to
the women's orders -- have dropped precipitously.
The church, Luxmoore said, counters that the mid-1980s figures
were artificially high due to the dramatic circumstances -- "martial law and
such, and that the current ones are more typical, which may be true or not," he
said. Poles, when surveyed on, "which institution you most trust or respect or
feel most represents the interests of Poland," have seen the church tumble from
top spot to sixth or seventh behind the Polish Army, Polish TV, Polish radio,
the Polish police, and Polish civil rights spokesmen, he said.
"It must be emphasized," Luxmoore said, "that these polls are
specifically dealing with questions of representing the public interest." Even
so, he said, "where the Polish parliament, president and government were below
the church until about a year ago, now the president -- this ex-communist --
has overtaken church in most opinion poll ratings."
And abortion, the most common form of birth control during
communist rule, is now legal up to the 12th week of pregnancy -- for financial
or personal reasons -- following counseling and three days of reflection.
National Catholic Reporter, November 8,
1996
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