EDITORIAL Inner cities cry out for politics of compassion
If the United States is to build a 21st-century community strong
enough to withstand and profit from the global winds of economic change in the
next decade, all of American society must be in good social and economic
health.
That cannot happen unless some government priorities are shifted
and funded. And in an era of anti-funding of anything social, what chance of
that? There is a new Great Depression -- this time in America's inner cities.
Jobless rates are three to four times the national average, according to
National Urban League president Hugh B. Price in the league's annual "State of
Black America" report. The report calls inner city unemployment "a catastrophe
that has produced a bitter, deadly surge in crime."
According to Price, "There's nothing un-American about spending
public money to help fill gaping holes in the labor market. It is what our
national government has done (ever since) President Eisenhower breathed
economic life into the rural south with labor-intensive construction
projects."
The report outlines a two-level strategy -- thinking globally and
reacting locally -- in a manner new to 21st century socioeconomic discussion.
It deserves our attention because this is a key chapter in a yet to be written
primer on future American economic life.
Such a primer must have chapters on expanding exports, on the
consequences of remaking U.S. business in a totally global context, and on the
impact of a computer/digital/Internet revolution that has a life force of its
own and few outside controls, and on downsizing: downsizing not just in the
corporate world and what that augurs, but, more important, downsizing of the
government and what that portends.
Price writes, "Our authors paint a portrait of a society
irrationally at odds with its ever more insistent need to utilize all its
resources. One that permits high rates of residential segregation that traps
blacks (and Latinos) in inner cities, far from jobs in the suburbs. One that in
great measure ignores the obvious necessity of harnessing the positive energy
of all our youth. One that has largely turned away from fashioning a
comprehensive public housing sector program and that likewise stubbornly
resists addressing the issue of child care.
"One in which African-Americans and Latino-Americans often rightly
feel that they must protect themselves not only from the criminals but from a
criminal justice system that too often treats them unjustly. And one in which
African-American's lack of access to the capital that would lead to greater
private home ownership and help spur a greater private-sector economic
development has left them with a stake in the American economy far too small
for the country's own good."
All this, Price writes, comes at a time when an expanding black
middle class, a stable working class and an increase in elected black officials
should be sending strong signals to Americans about what is possible.
Is it sending a strong message to Newt Gingrich, who has survived
as one of the most powerful leaders in the land and a potent symbol of the
country's ferment?
Gingrich is intemperate and swings wildly but he lives in
Washington in a modest apartment building and walks its streets.
Although he has sulked about riding in the back of the
presidential plane, he cares about what happens to the cities, not in an
abstract way but because he lives in a city whose streets are not a safe walk.
And, despite being a seeming liability to his own party during the recent
election campaign, he's again speaker of the House in a Republican Congress
whose majority is not urban but suburban. And he knows firsthand what they
don't.
The plight of cities, of African-Americans, of youth, moved him to
these comments when he became speaker in January 1995: "I have seldom been more
shaken than I was shortly after the election when I had breakfast with two
members of the Black Caucus and one of them said to me, 'Can you imagine what
it's like to visit a first-grade class and realize that every fourth or fifth
young boy in that class may be dead or in jail within 15 years and they're your
constituents and you are helpless to change it?' I visit a lot of schools. That
got through. I mean, that personalized it, that made it real, not just
statistics, but real people."
Gingrich continued, "I want to commend to every member of both
sides to look carefully. I would say to those Republicans who believe in total
privatization, you can't believe in the Good Samaritan and explain that as long
as business is making money, we can walk by a fellow American who's hurt and
not do something.
"And I would say to my friends on the left who believe there's
never been a government program that wasn't worth keeping, you can't look at
some of the results we now have and not want to reach out to the humans and
forget the bureaucracies. And if we could build that attitude on both sides of
this aisle, we would be an amazingly different place. And the country would
begin to be a different place."
Last month the electorate spoke and pretty much left things as
they were -- a Democratic president with a Republican Congress. And a society
with its ever important cities is in deep, deep trouble.
The only interesting metaphor from that election was the one about
bridges. The most important one to be built now is not into the far future, but
between the White House and Congress.
On the issue of inner cities, President Clinton and Gingrich will
first have to find common ground and shared attitude. But Gingrich will have to
deliver Congress on major aid to the cities. Much depends on it.
National Catholic Reporter, December 13,
1996
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