Priest in killing fields of Liberia defies the
odds
By TOM PRICE
Special to the National Catholic Reporter Buchanan,
Liberia
I spent just one night in Buchanan -- sleepless and scared,
clutching a flashlight all night, wondering who was creeping about outside the
straw walls of the compound. If my host, Fr. John Kilcoyne, was also scared, he
certainly didn't show it. He has lived and worked in Buchanan throughout seven
years of gruesome civil war and I'd lay odds he doesn't lie awake at night
visualizing cutthroats outside his walls. He'll be planning the day's work
ahead.
I'd come to Buchanan, Liberia's second largest city, to see
Catholic Relief Services' projects in the war-weary area. Despite the best
efforts of a West African peacekeeping force, Buchanan, once a thriving port,
enjoys all the law and order of Dodge City circa 1880. Around the country, kids
as young as 8 years old are veterans of a dozen battles. Rape and murder are
acts they boast about.
Little is left of Buchanan now. Bombed-out buildings line streets
and Catholic Relief Services (the overseas aid agency of U.S. Catholics)
distributes emergency food relief in the area: to the tent cities, to refugee
camps outside town, to small communities of resettled Liberians and to
clinics.
Kilcoyne, assisted by a small staff of risk-takers, coordinates
these relief services in addition to his duties as a priest of the Society of
the African Missions. He also heads the diocese's own emergency relief
committee.
Liberia's bloody civil war started on Christmas Eve of 1989. Since
then it has claimed some 200,000 lives and left more than one million people
homeless. Nearly a year after it began, three members of Catholic Relief
Services' staff were beaten and detained by fighters from one of the warring
factions but escaped with their lives. Two years later the agency's offices at
the port were bombed. Five nuns, all of them Americans, have been slain since
the war began.
At present, Buchanan and its environs are controlled by the West
African peacekeeping force, ECOMOG, and one of the half dozen warring factions
in Liberia, the National Patriotic Front of Liberia. ECOMOG polices the port,
the center of town and the road to the west, which leads to the capital,
Monrovia. The Patriotic Front patrols a region to the north. Members of that
group tend to be teenagers with AK-47s, Chicago Bulls T-shirts and the ambition
of retaking the port itself.
Kilcoyne gave me an example of justice, Buchanan style, as we
bumped along the potholed road from Monrovia, negotiating more than 30 check
points along the way. A teenage fighter had raped and murdered a young girl in
Buchanan in broad daylight in front of witnesses. He admitted his crime, even
boasted about it. The girl's family denounced the murder to a local faction
commander, a teenage "general" who had the young man shot on the spot.
"Of course, it hasn't always been like this," Kilcoyne said in his
Irish brogue. "Buchanan was beautiful and can be again." Picturing the
buildings as they once were, it was easy to see what he meant. American-style
ranch houses stand among groves of palm trees, homes that in their day wouldn't
have been out of place in suburban Miami or San Diego. Though little more than
shells now, families still cling to these homes. They have nowhere else to
go.
Kilcoyne explained that the people are being kept alive by U.S.
government food aid, a sad situation repeated over much of Liberia. "But it
doesn't need to be this way," he said. "With peace we could get people off
relief dependency in one year. Liberia is a very productive country."
Liberia, founded by the American Colonization Society in 1822 as a
haven for black Americans, has all the ingredients of a tropical paradise. The
country is blessed with fertile land, abundant timber, rubber, iron ore,
diamonds and gold. Yet the war makes this land hell on earth. Half a dozen
warring factions are battling for supremacy -- for control of gold and diamond
mining areas, timber and ports. By exporting these resources, the warlords can
buy weapons from unscrupulous arms dealers, line their own pockets and keep
their fighters happy.
It has been six years since Liberia has had anything resembling a
government. The last president, Samuel Doe, was tortured to death by a warlord,
Prince Johnson, who was filmed swigging Budweiser as he sliced off Doe's ears.
The only force for order is ECOMOG, and that is limited to a few areas. "Thank
God for ECOMOG" is a common slogan painted on the dilapidated buses that
sputter about Monrovia's shattered streets.
Kilcoyne jokes with smiling Ghanaian ECOMOG soldiers who look in
on the Catholic mission every evening.
Under an agreement struck last August by the warlords, all
factions were to disarm by the end of January. Elections are scheduled for May.
"Welcome! We need you home without a gun," proclaimed a giant billboard poster
in Monrovia in December. The poster showed a prodigal son returning to his
village and the outstretched arms of his father. Not far away, another sign
invited, "Disarm here."
Despite warlords' promises, disarmament is faltering. Few fighters
were turning up at disarmament centers and, according to news reports,
surrendered weapons were often little more than rusted relics.
Lacking basics like manpower and weapons, ECOMOG is underequipped
for the task at hand. The annual shoestring budget for peacekeeping,
disarmament and rehabilitation is $110 million, the amount the Los Angeles
Lakers paid for Shaquille O'Neal.
"What bothers me," Kilcoyne said, "is the gap between what the
fighters are promised if they disarm and what they get." Along with food and
vouchers for health care, disarmed fighters are promised education and/or
vocational training. But lines at retraining centers are long, even at a time
when disarmament is proceeding slowly.
"These are people not used to waiting," Kilcoyne said. "They want
instant gratification, which they usually get if they have a gun."
Kilcoyne wanted to show me the town of Gorblee. "You must see what
the fighters have done to the place," he said. I wondered what could be worse
than the mess they have made of Buchanan and Monrovia. We passed through a
heavily armored ECOMOG checkpoint and entered territory controlled by the
National Patriotic Front. After hours jarring over what can only loosely be
described as a road, our Land Cruiser pulled into Gorblee.
I was astounded by what I saw. The town looked like it had been a
target for a week of blitzkrieg. Amid the wreckage of burned-out vehicles and
buildings, war graffiti dotted the scene -- slogans and pictures of fighters
with rocket-propelled grenades. Clearly Elvis-fans, the young fighters even
labeled one building "Graceland Center."
Kilcoyne warned me against taking pictures before getting
permission. On the veranda of a semi-intact building with a Liberian flag
outside (the same as the U.S. flag except that there is only one, large star),
eight or nine Patriotic Front fighters, all teens, sat about. Just inside the
door, near where they were listening to a radio and smoking, was an arms cache
a Michigan militia would have been proud of.
The leader, a boy of 16 or so, and sporting a National Basketball
Association hat, gave me the once-over, then dismissed us. They seemed to know
who Kilcoyne was. "Just don't take any photos of them or their building, and
let's be quick," Kilcoyne advised.
Remarkably, a few people still lived in Gorblee -- among the
poorest I had seen. Women and children were dressed in rags. For entertainment,
children crawled through rusted, twisted metal. As we drove back to Buchanan,
Fr. John told me that a survey in August had found 47 percent of the people in
the Buchanan area to be malnourished. After that, Catholic Relief Services set
up new food distribution points.
We stopped at one. U.S. bulgur wheat and vegetable oil were being
passed out to villagers who were rebuilding their homes in the area. Catholic
Relief Services had also distributed agricultural tools and rice seed so they
could resume growing crops. The villagers had put in months of backbreaking
labor to clear the dirt road so a food truck could pass through.
Along this road north of Buchanan, where there had been total
destruction for 60 miles, villagers had returned to build new homes of straw
and other materials available locally. Kilcoyne worried that some of the new
houses -- replacing former dwellings of brick and concrete -- wouldn't
withstand the rainy season.
These war-weary people were friendly but more sober than others
I'd met in Africa, less ready to smile and laugh. Many expressed open hatred of
the warring factions. The cruelly misnamed Liberian Peace Council, or LPC, was
nicknamed the Lost Property Collector because of their habit of looting
homes.
Life has become very cheap in Liberia. After a shaky cease-fire,
heavy fighting erupted again last April. Along with more deaths and
destruction, a massive epidemic of cholera broke out in overcrowded refugee
camps and urban centers. A Catholic Relief Services' staff member had died in
that epidemic, and another staff member's wife had died in childbirth the night
before I arrived in Buchanan. The area lacks equipment and medicine for
cesarean births.
Despite mass evacuations of foreign nationals out of Liberia by
the United Nations and United States, Kilcoyne chose to stay. He witnessed the
Patriotic Front take Buchanan from the Liberian Peace Council and its ally, the
Armed Forces of Liberia. After 13 years in Liberia, Kilcoyne knows the country,
its people and its politics well, and he mixes this knowledge with typical
Irish skepticism. He realizes that if disarmament fails, Buchanan is likely to
be taken again.
When he arrived in Liberia, he had been struck, as I was, by the
huge American influence on the country. Americana is everywhere: U.S.-style
buildings and license plates and the use of American English rather than
British. Monrovia is named after James Monroe; Buchanan after the 16th
president of the United States. Gbarnga, power base of Charles Taylor -- who
was educated at Bentley College in Boston -- is twinned with Baltimore, Md.
There is a Maryland County. The list is endless.
Kilcoyne and I discussed the country's future over a Liberian beer
at the Catholic mission that night. Even if disarmament succeeded, the work of
rebuilding would take years and require assistance from Western nations and
humanitarian aid organizations. Child fighters would have to be reintegrated
into their communities.
Though not an optimist, Kilcoyne has hope. He told me of little
acts that have made a difference. His own parish back home in County Mayo,
Ireland, had organized a clothing collection for people of Buchanan. The school
at the mission was about to reopen. Villagers outside Buchanan were rebuilding
homes and planting crops.
I thought about Fr. John a few days later as I boarded the
decrepit Russian Antonov propeller plane that would take me from Liberia to
Abidjan in Ivory Coast, "the Paris of West Africa." There I would sleep safely
in a comfortable hotel bed with electricity, clean water, carpets and air
conditioning. Buchanan would be inking into another long, dark, uncertain
night. Blackness would be clinging to the mission house that Kilcoyne will
continue to call home. He's got work to do.
National Catholic Reporter, March 21,
1997
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