Economics fuels return of La
Violencia
By LESLIE
WIRPSA NCR Staff Villavicencio, Columbia
William Rozo spoke in a hushed staccato from his desk at the
office of the Catholic churchs local Committee for Justice, Life and
Peace. Flanked by posters -- one heralding the rights of civilians to remain
neutral during armed conflicts, another from the United Nations urging
Colombians to join the force for peace -- Rozo gave a preliminary
accounting of the massacre committed by a paramilitary squad in the town of
Mapiripán.
The diocese has a record of 26 people killed. Most were
mutilated with machetes, their heads were chopped off, their chests sliced open
in the sign of a cross so the bodies wouldnt float when thrown into the
river. All were men. The killings began July 16 and ended July 20, Rozo,
24, said.
It seems they used heads for soccer balls. There were heads
50 yards from bodies, next to stones that looked like goal markers, he
said.
While President Clinton, during a recent visit to South America,
expressed hope at the march toward democracy in the region, a new surge of
violence is plaguing Colombia. Persistent death threats and murders by
paramilitary squads forced the shutdown of a regional human rights committee
last year. Several committee members were killed, others left this region --
the lush Eastern plains -- in fear.
Rozo and three other church staff continued human rights work and
were on hand to receive hundreds of people who fled after the Mapiripán
massacre.
On this day, two of the refugees had come to Rozos office
seeking the churchs assistance for their families. One of them, a
Mapiripán community leader, described the attack.
The horror extended all over, he said. They came
by airplane. They sought out the community leaders first.
The town, he said, had seen an occasional murder before. But
this kind of selective killing, chopping off heads and hanging them for all to
see? We never experienced anything like this before. ... They pulled out
fingernails and chopped out little pieces of flesh. You dont even do that
to kill an animal. You shoot it first and then skin it, he said.
Testimonies like those from Mapiripán have become routine
in many regions of Colombias countryside. In recent years, a network of
paramilitary squads has spread throughout the country. The death squads,
calling themselves self-defense groups, wage counterinsurgency
campaigns against left-wing guerrillas and civilians suspected of supporting
guerrillas.
The violence is being driven by a complex tangle of forces,
including industrial development; the ambition for land, some of which holds
rich supplies of minerals and oil; the impending development of a dry
canal, a major highway system for the delivery of goods; the steady march
toward a global economy; the lucrative drug trade; and by age-old divisions
between rich and poor and the resulting social inequities.
The resurgence of violence is tied by some expert observers in
Colombia to continued aid to the military by the United States, aid that some
Colombians say is helping to support paramilitary networks.
Amid the violence stands the Catholic church, mediating, providing
aid and trying to stem the brutality. Some claim that the church has changed
(see accompanying story) and taken on a far greater identity with the struggle
of the poor since Cardinal Alfonso López Trujillo, once the
countrys leading churchman, was appointed to a new position in Rome.
Doing the dirty work
The death squads method of cleansing entire
regions rivals the brutality of death squads and armed forces in Central
America in the 1980s. Colombian military officials claim that the army does not
support the squads. But judicial investigations, classified documents and years
of reports from human rights monitors show direct links between the military
and these paramilitary proxies.
Fr. Alonzo Ferro, director of the Bogotá-based Jesuit
Program for Peace, said, We all know the military supports the
paramilitaries. There are enough testimonies, cases where there is clear
support. The paramilitaries do the dirty work.
As right-wing miniarmies gain control of key areas, left-wing
guerrillas have intensified their own violent campaigns to maintain territorial
and political dominance. Trapped in the maw of this conflict are hundreds of
thousands of civilians, especially campesinos, like the two friends from
Mapiripán.
The only sin we have committed is that of living in that
region. You fall in love with the land, it is very beautiful, the younger
man said.
His companion said, Those who have the power are those who
have the guns. We end up like soccer balls ourselves, kicked over here, kicked
over there. The army accuses us of doing a favor for the guerrillas, and if you
lend the army a pump, the guerrillas accuse you of working for the army.
The violence has left Colombia with one of the worst human rights
records in Latin America. In the last decade more than one million Colombians
have been displaced, primarily from rural areas.
Political and sociopolitical violence claims the lives of more
than 4,300 Colombians each year, according to the studies of a data bank in
Bogotá jointly run by the Jesuit Center for Investigation and Popular
Education and the Intercongregational Commission for Justice and Peace. Another
200 people are forcibly disappeared.
Only 30 percent of political killings occur during formal combat
between organized armed actors -- the military, paramilitaries and guerrillas.
Peasants account for the highest percentage of victims of noncombat political
assassinations, according to the data bank.
Paramilitaries are the principal authors of noncombat killings --
74 percent from October 1996 through March 1997.
Both guerrillas and paramilitaries resort to kidnapping for profit
and political publicity. Over 70 percent of the kidnappings in the world occur
in Colombia, according to human rights reports. Guerrillas are responsible for
the largest number -- 40 percent.
The election war
Overall, there were 24,000 homicides in Colombia in 1996, a number
that is expected to climb to more than 30,000 this year. Few parties or
political organizations have escaped attack. Both the left wing and right wing
have accelerated violence anticipating the Oct. 26 municipal and congressional
elections.
October will be a war of these local powers. The
paramilitaries do not want any candidates to triumph who are outside the
(Liberal and Conservative) bipartisan elites. And the guerrillas do not want to
allow those traditional party politicians to gain ground in their zones,
said sociologist Iván Forero.
While rebel violence is on the rise, human rights monitors concur
that since the mid-1980s, when death squads began to flourish, political
violence has hit hardest at members of left-wing and progressive movements,
critics of the economic and political status quo and peasants living in areas
where the army and paramilitaries are active.
Dirty war violence from paramilitaries allied with
members of the army, drug traffickers and large land owners has in many areas
acquired the characteristics of limpieza -- a cleansing -- a term used
by death squad chiefs themselves.
There is a clear and brazen persecution, an extermination
campaign, of anyone who thinks differently. In the plains, I grew to understand
it, said Sr. Nohemi Palencia, speaking from exile in Bogotá after
a decade working in the Eastern Plains in community health and human rights.
They just killed and killed people from the (leftist) Patriotic Union
Party. They didnt leave anyone behind from any other party than those
that have existed forever, anyone different from Liberals or
Conservatives.
Yet, this conflict is not Colombias alone. Aid and training
from U.S. military institutions and the Central Intelligence Agency have
propped up the counterinsurgency violence. The narcotics trade and the war on
drugs have intensified the scope of conflict. More recently, the move toward
global economics has broadened its complexity.
So dramatic is the situation that 30 high-profile Colombian
intellectuals issued a collective plea in August for United Nations mediation
before the country becomes another Bosnia-Herzegovina.
Roots of violence
Colombias violence is rooted, in part, in the countrys
tumultuous political history. From 1948 to 1953, Colombias Liberal and
Conservative parties fought a rural civil war for political control that
resembled todays conflict. During this period, known as La
Violencia, bands of gunmen hired by political bosses from each side,
often with assistance from the police, attacked whole villages, scalping and
decapitating victims, the majority of them peasants.
An estimated 2 million rural inhabitants fled their homes. Their
landholdings were snatched by regional elites and hired thugs from the Liberal
and Conservative parties. La Violencia, like todays
paramilitary actions, was a service that was paid for with the land of the
victims. There is evidence, as there is today, that this violence was sheltered
by the government, said Alfredo Molano, a Colombian sociologist and
prolific author known for his chronicles of rural violence.
To curb the bloodletting, party leaders set up a National
Front power-sharing pact under which the two principal parties alternated
the presidency until 1974. During this time, they split the economic and
bureaucratic spoils of government.
This system left no room for partisan or grassroots opposition.
Such exclusionary policies spawned Colombias principal left-wing
guerrilla movements -- the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, FARC; the
National Liberation Army, ELN; the Peoples Liberation Army, EPL; and the
April 19 Movement, M-19. After years of armed stalemate, the M-19 guerrillas, a
section of the FARC, most of the EPL and a small group of the ELN decided
throughout the 1980s to abandon arms and give peace processes and electoral
politics a try. However, legal movements stemming from such negotiations were
soon met with systematic killings.
Violence from death squads and members of the military, for
example, wiped out the Patriotic Union, a party formed by demobilized FARC
rebels, members of the Communist Party and independents after the 1984 peace
accords. Violence also debilitated the M-19; splits in the movements
leadership ensued. Like the Patriotic Union, the M-19 today occupies a small
spot on the political spectrum.
As with the guerrilla movements, Liberal and Conservative party
leaders denounce the killings of hundreds of their members. But left-wing and
progressive movements have suffered a disproportionate quota of attacks. After
a decade of brutal political violence, Liberals and Conservatives still
dominate electoral politics. According to local press reports, Liberal party
politicians account for 63 percent of the candidates running for 18
governors posts in the Oct. 26 elections. Adding Conservative candidates,
that total reaches 76 percent.
However, much more than governorships is at stake in the Colombian
countryside. Political and economic power go hand in hand. Contemporary free
market trends have intensified that historical relationship.
An illustration of this is the recent displacement of thousands of
peasants from the western Chocó department to the Urabá region
further north. Months of occupation by paramilitary ground patrols by the same
network that was responsible for the Mapiripán killings followed by army
aerial bombardments forced more than 10,000 people to flee the municipality of
Riosucio in February.
Riosucio, which hugs the Panamanian border, is a large, fertile
swath in Chocó, the only Colombian department with both Pacific and
Caribbean coasts. Because of its location, Riosucio is set to become part of a
strategic corridor of international commerce with the construction of a
dry canal -- a belt of highway for the fast transport of goods
between the Caribbean and the Pacific along the Darien jungle foothills that
could serve as a complement of sorts to the Panama Canal.
Riosucio and the neighboring banana lands of Urabá, (see
map) harbor other riches: minerals, tropical hardwoods, top quality coal,
diverse flora and fauna, hydroelectric potential, quality farmland, cattle and,
reportedly, oil. The zone is also a crossroads of weapons and narcotics
traffic. Whoever controls it reaps profits from that contraband.
Land values in the region are expected to climb with the onslaught
of development projects. Just imagine a million percent increase,
said Marco Aurelio Rentería, the personero, or locally elected
human rights ombudsman in Riosucio, exaggerating to make his point clear.
What is worth 200,000 pesos a hectare today will be worth $5 million
pesos before long, with the canal.
The dry canal is scheduled to slice through the area where 10,000
people were forcibly displaced by paramilitary groups and army attacks during
operations that started in December and continued through August. The largest
group of Riosucio refugees, approximately 4,300 people, half of them children
and youth, walked a month through jungle and hilly terrain until the military
cut off their exodus in a tiny village called Pavarandó, in the
Urabá region. There, the refugees fashioned shacks from saplings,
bamboo, plastic and banana thatch and sought humanitarian food aid.
A separate group of 300 of the Riosucio displaced crossed the
Panamanian border creating an international diplomatic row that resulted in
their repatriation and relocation in another zone.
Another 3,000 Riosucio peasants ended their northbound trek in the
Caribbean port of Turbo, the nerve center for banana exports, slated to become
one of the key transit points for trade in the future. Hundreds of the refugees
crowded into the town coliseum; one group found better living conditions in a
shelter built by the Intercongregational Commission for Justice and Peace
At the shelter, Riosucio peasants gave descriptions of
paramilitary violence similar to those from distant Mapiripán. One night
in August, 14-year-old Fabián Mejía (not his real name) stood and
lifted his ebony chin, in response to a request from a Wisconsin-based
solidarity group for testimonies from young people.
Those paramilitaries arrived with big arms, and they wore
those things around here, the boy said, moving his hand across his front
to indicate an ammunition belt. There were about 100 in my hamlet, and
one went clack clack with his gun. I got scared. I got a fever and a headache.
And they asked me things, if Id seen the guerrillas. I told them I knew
nothing about that. Mejía exhaled as if exorcising a ghost.
One of them said, Come over here. He sized me up and down,
with that face. I was scared. I thought death had come upon
me.
Another pause brought tears, then the adolescent continued with a
plea. They gave us three days to leave. We are campesinos. We dont
know everything. Help us have a future. Here, we are living a very bad
life.
Mejía later talked about his dreams: To return to his home
on the Atrato River where he could swim with his friends, tend to his ducks and
chickens, study, fish and plant and harvest plantains, yucca and corn.
In the shelter, he said, I get so bored here, I want to die.
And the water! They only give us one bucket to use to bathe, and they scolded
me for using more.
It is the water and farmland for which Mejía yearned. It is
outsiders desire for control of the riches around and beneath that water
and farmland that forced the Riosucio exodus, said community leaders back at
the Turbo coliseum.
The rich countries have looked for pretexts to get us out of
our lands, which are among the richest in Latin America. Guerrillas are the
pretext. We peasants have taken care of that land for 500 years, and it should
not end up in the hands of the developed countries, one man insisted.
Forty-seven-year-old Maria Luz Nely Serna, the mother of 17
children, agreed. The great countries are the owners of our future. Our
country is negotiating with the pharaohs. The great countries want to buy what
is not theirs to buy. They know how to exploit our land, she said.
I want my land back so I can feed my children.
The rise of guerrilla movements in Colombia was accompanied by a
proliferation of Cold War counterinsurgency strategies within the military
establishment. The employment of irregular civilian forces -- known as
self-defense patrols or paramilitaries -- in anti-guerrilla warfare can be
traced directly to the historical relationship between the Colombian armed
forces and the United States.
In November 1996, Human Rights Watch/Americas released a report
that revealed historical links between U.S. Cold War strategies and political
violence in Colombia. It also exposed the nurturing in 1991 of the paramilitary
model by the CIA and the U.S. Department of Defense.
According to the report, Colombias Killer Networks:
The Military-Paramilitary Partnership and the United States, the
designing by U.S. military agents of counterinsurgency strategies in Colombia
dates back to the establishment in 1955 of Colombias Lancero School, the
first counterguerrilla training center in the region.
In the 1960s, as the influence of left-wing guerrillas spread,
U.S. advisers perfected Plan Lazo, a counterinsurgency scheme that, according
to U.S. Army Special Warfare School documents, set up a civil-military
structure to perform counter-agent and counter-propaganda functions and
as necessary execute paramilitary, sabotage and/or terrorist activities against
known communist proponents. It should be backed by the United States.
During the next three decades, the implementation of this
paramilitary strategy under the guidance of U.S. strategists continued.
According to Human Rights Watch/Americas, one Colombian army
counterguerrilla manual drafted in 1969 and updated several times was based on
five U.S. Army Field Manuals and three U.S. Army Special Texts. It recommends
the organization of the civilian population militarily so that they may
defend themselves against guerrilla actions and assist combat operations.
The army, the manual instructs, should provide these paramilitary cadres, or
self-defense groups, with weapons of restricted army issue to
perform search, control and destructive operations and to implement
the violent rejection of guerrilla actions in their region.
Persons exhibiting indifference or negative attitudes toward
troops, yet another manual states, are to be pegged as subversives,
placed on gray or black lists, and sent threats to
frighten them and make them believe that they have been compromised and
must abandon the area. Key, that manual claimed, was the maintenance of a
public pose of legality to mask such covert operations.
Narcos, paras and drugs
This strategy was similar to that used in other Latin American
countries in the 1970s and 1980s. In fact, Colombians, since the early 1980s,
have experienced a dirty war that paralleled and today surpasses the horrors
committed in Central America. By 1990, Colombia replaced El Salvador as the
number one Latin American recipient of U.S. military aid. Colombia also has
sent large numbers of students through the U.S. Armys School of the
Americas, according to recent human rights reports.
The persistent violence has received only peripheral treatment in
the international press, despite frequent stories about the countrys drug
cartels and the war on drugs. Drug traffickers, Colombias paramilitary
dirty war, and the U.S. support of the latter under the guise of the war on
drugs, however, are not separate stories.
To understand the relationship among Colombias paramilitary
networks and their development requires a return to the banana lands of
Urabá. One of the first highly publicized death squad massacres in
Colombia was the March 1988 slayings of 22 workers from the Honduras and La
Negra banana plantations in Urabá. Paramilitaries yanked the men from
their beds and shot them. This collective killing was the curtain raiser to a
string of horrific massacres that year that claimed more than 600 lives.
So frequent and brutal were the 1988 mass slayings that they
prompted unprecedented action from Colombias judges. By September 1988,
Judge Marta Lucia Gonzalez announced preliminary results of her probe and
brought charges against two well-known drug traffickers, three military
officials, a police lieutenant, a local mayor and 11 other civilians.
Gonzalez subsequently fled to the United States because of death
threats. Seven months later, her father, Alvaro Gonzalez, was slain. In July
1989, the judge who assumed the investigation, Maria Elena Diaz, was
assassinated. As a result of her investigation, Gonzalez outlined an alliance
between the army, Medellín cartel drug traffickers, cattle ranchers and
death squads who trained in Puerto Boyaca.
Gonzalez claimed that Maj. Luis Felipe Becerra Bohórquez,
from the intelligence division of the Urabá army battalion, contracted
with assassins to massacre the banana workers. A lieutenant and a captain were
also linked to the massacre.
Despite the ongoing investigation involving him, Becerra resumed
normal military life. He got a job running the armys press office and
continued officer training abroad.
When a government official tried to notify Becerra of a
judicial decision in 1989, he was told that the officer was not available since
he was in the United States taking a course necessary for his promotion to
lieutenant colonel, Human Rights Watch/Americas reported.
After making the rank of colonel, Becerra appeared again in the
human rights and judicial rosters in 1993 -- he faced a second investigation
for links to the massacre of 13 people in October of that year in the southern
town of Riofrio. He was subsequently retired from the military through an
executive decree. Since the Urabá killings, human rights monitors
compiled lists of other Colombian officers with records like
Becerras.
Military complicity
Organizations such as the Intercongregational Commission for
Justice and Peace, supported by a majority of Colombias religious
communities and led by Jesuit Fr. Javier Giraldo, traced the complicity of
military officials in the advance of paramilitary projects.
Despite these reports, in the fall of 1990 a team of CIA and U.S.
military strategists gathered to find ways to enhance the efficiency and
effectiveness of Colombias military intelligence. The meeting occurred
just a few months after a death squad, led by an army major, killed 107 people
in an area called Trujillo, hacking many of them to death with a chain saw --
including a parish priest, Fr. Tiberio de Jesús Fernández.
Asked about this visit by U.S. strategists, a U.S. Department of
State official for Inter-American Affairs said in a phone interview with
NCR, We do not discuss intelligence matters.
According to Human Rights Watch/Americas, members of that team
were fully aware of links between the Colombian military and paramilitary
killers, yet they bolstered the covert, paramilitary model. At the time,
discussions in Washington on U.S. security assistance to Colombia centered on
the war on drugs. But, according to Human Rights Watch/Americas, the classified
document produced by the Colombian military in May 1991 from recommendations
given by the U.S. visitors did not mention antinarcotics strategies. It
emphasized instead combating escalating terrorism by armed
subversion.
The document, Order 200-05/91, provided a blueprint for ...
a secret network that relied on paramilitaries not only for intelligence but to
carry out murder, Human Rights Watch/Americas summarized. Direction of
some 30 networks of paramilitaries was to come from the military high
command.
Order 200 states, The study, selection, instruction,
training, location and organization of these networks, urban as well as rural,
will be covert and under the responsibility of division or brigade commanders,
or their equivalents in other forces, and the network commanders.
The order instructs military commanders to make no written
contacts with informants or civilian members of the network; everything must be
agreed to orally. Moreover, Order 200 requires that networks be
covert and compartmentalized, allowing for the necessary flexibility to
cover targets of interest.
The paramilitary massacres and political killings that have
occurred in the wake of this intelligence reorganization dwarf the
actions committed by the death squads during the 1980s.
Using the euphemism Self-Defense Groups of Cordoba and
Urabá -- ACCU -- members of the paramilitary networks have held
three major national level meetings since Order 200 was issued. They have
cleansed hundreds of thousands of alleged subversive
supporters from the Colombian countryside. Few regions remain untouched by
their actions. These paramilitary networks have also extended their reach to
urban areas, targeting investigators, intellectuals, unionists and especially,
more recently, individuals employed by both government and nongovernmental
organizations to work with the displaced.
In July, paramilitaries in the Chocó department were
suspected of threatening a delegation of United Nations and Colombian judicial
officials. Leave or well blow you up, read a penciled threat
slipped under a motel room door. The delegation was investigating the source of
displacement of the 10,000 Riosucio peasants.
Hector Torres, director of the progressive Catholic monthly
Utopias said the paramilitaries are now an army on their
own. He said the army assists them quietly. They are a para-state
force that attacks the civilian population, and in 10 years, they will have the
government on its knees, he said.
Former Col. Carlos Alfonso Velásquez said the paramilitary
threat is even more complicated because of ties between Cali drug kingpins and
some civilian death squad leaders. Velásquez claims that the
paramilitary networks the CIA and U.S. Department of Defense have helped to
create have links to the Cali cocaine cartel.
Velásquez formerly headed the army division of the Search
Block, a specialized strike force created with U.S. assistance. Under
Velásquezs command, raids by the Search Block in Cali preceded the
highly publicized investigation of scores of Colombian politicians including
President Ernesto Samper and the imprisonment of some for receiving campaign
funding from the Cali drug traffickers.
Following a scandal Velásquez says was a frame by the drug
mafia, he was moved to the post of second in command of the army battalion in
Urabá. There he reported to military superiors on the battalions
negligence in curbing paramilitary activity in the region.
Velásquez was subsequently forced to retire from the army.
In an interview with NCR, Velásquez said that the CIA and the
Department of Defense have information about links between members of the
military, paramilitary leaders and Cali drug traffickers.
The State Department official said the United States has been
critical of the Colombian governments record on human rights. He referred
NCR to the 1996 State Department report on Human Rights in Colombia that
affirms the armed forces and police continued to be responsible for
serious (human rights abuses) including, according to credible reports,
instances of death squad activity within the army.
In 1996, the report continues, killings by paramilitary
groups increased significantly, often with the alleged complicity of individual
soldiers or of entire military units and with the knowledge and tacit approval
of senior military officials.
Despite such concerns, U.S. security aid to Colombia is on the
rise: The justification of increased assistance -- which will reach an
estimated $100 million total to the armed forces and police for 1997 -- is
antinarcotics, even though Colombia was decertified by Congress in
1996 and 1997 as a partner in the drug war.
President Clinton circumvented a freeze on $30 million in military
aid under decertification by signing a waiver in August. The waiver came after
U.S. officials pressured the Colombian army to sign an agreement to link
assistance to respect for human rights.
The State Department official said that military aid to Colombia
will not be given to units engaged in human rights abuses. U.S. Embassy
officials, he said, will monitor the aid, and the bulk of the assistance will
support the antinarcotics police force, which has a clean record.
However, past oversight by U.S. agencies of the use of aid and
equipment has not proved effective, according to 1991 and 1997 commentary from
the U.S. General Accounting Office, an investigative body that answers to
Congress. GAO claims neither the State Department nor the Defense Department
has developed policies or procedures for monitoring assistance. GAO
criticized the State Department this year for obstructing its
Colombia review of antinarcotics aid by delaying information.
Analysts and inhabitants of rural areas repeatedly confirmed that
Cali drug traffickers are among the chief economic beneficiaries of
paramilitary activity. In the wake of the displacement of hundreds of thousands
of peasants, Cali and other narcotics entrepreneurs, as well as traditional
landowners and political bosses, have taken control of millions of acres of
Colombias richest land.
A report from the U.S. Senate made public in Colombia in August
corroborated those claims. Drug traffickers in Colombia have concentrated
land in the hands of a few, the report said. It added that drug
traffickers own 30 percent of the countrys arable land. Colombian
National University sociologist Alejandro Reyes has described this
concentration of landholdings as a counter-agrarian reform.
Guerrillas gone wild
Left-wing guerrillas from the FARC and the ELN have responded to
the advance of paramilitary squads by escalating their military activities and
attacks on the civilian population. For example, a FARC front in the southern
Caqueta department attacked a military garrison and kidnapped 70 soldiers in
September 1996, holding them hostage till negotiations brokered by a Catholic
bishop brought their release in June 1997.
One FARC front also announced in August that its cadres would
mimic paramilitary attacks on family members of guerrillas and begin
destroying the kin of army soldiers.
Rebels have accelerated attacks on traditional party politicians
and civilians they claim support the military or paramilitaries; they have
stepped up bombing of oil pipelines, halting pumping twice this summer. In
response to the oil attacks, the Colombian government declared a hike in gas
prices, a move that commonly boosts the cost of basic goods.
The guerrillas and the army and paramilitaries affect the
civilian population. Each of them is fighting by stepping on members of the
civil society, said Fernán González, assistant director of
the Center of Investigation and Popular Education. The logic is perverse,
and on both sides it leads to the same thing -- disaster.
Francisco Leal, a political scientist and dean of social sciences
at the private Los Andes University in Bogotá, said violence is turning
Colombia into a country without a spinal column, without national
integration. There are a variety of forces all pushing things toward their own
corners.
Leal issued a strong warning for quick resolution. If this
polarizes more, the solution will be gory. It will be even bloodier than now.
The decomposition and deterioration will get worse and worse. This is a process
in crescendo.
Jesuit Fr. Ferro of the Program for Peace was more optimistic.
Yes, we are killing each other without mercy. Massacres are our daily
bread, he said. But in the midst of all this death, people have a
powerful will to live, to search for ways out of this situation.
Proof of Ferros assessment thrives in a small town in
Urabá called San José de Apartadó. More than 800 peasants
were displaced from their rural hamlets earlier this year. Guerrillas and the
military waged combat. The army subsequently bombed the hills. Soldiers told
the peasants to leave because the mochacabezas -- a local nickname for
paramilitaries meaning head-hackers -- were on the way.
Taking refuge in the village, these families refused to be
displaced further. Instead, during Holy Week, they established a Community of
Peace whose members claim neutrality from involvement with all armed
actors -- guerrillas, paramilitaries and even government armed
forces.
Our only solution is to align ourselves with no one. If we
stand with any of these groups, our lives get tied into knots, said a
member of the San José community council.
In four and a half months, 33 members of the Community of Peace,
have been killed, mostly by paramilitary squads. During NCRs
weeklong visit to the region this summer, gunmen shot and killed John Jairo
Zapata, an environmentalist who helped the community with reforestation
projects. That same week, another unidentified body lay decomposing about 15
minutes outside of San José. Judicial officials and peasants alike were
afraid to retrieve it. The council leader said paramilitaries killed Zapata
because he was helping the community live and resist.
Finding nonviolent resistance, well, that doesnt
settle very well with the military and paramilitaries, he said.
This impedes their project, the fact that we are an organized community.
They cannot burst in here and slaughter us all. They cannot accuse us of having
arms or attack us claiming we are a nest of guerrillas. We have proved this is
not true.
Paramilitaries have also set up a checkpoint on the road between
San José and the city of Apartadó, the closest supply center for
the community. At the post, paramilitary gunmen yank San José peasants
from public vehicles. Several have disappeared, their bodies later found in the
hills. The paramilitaries also restrict the flow of goods to the community.
Although this checkpoint is located about 15 minutes from the militarized town
of Apartadó, neither army nor police take action against these private
gunmen.
In an interview with NCR, battalion commander Gen. Rito
Alejo del Rio Rojas insisted that the military combats both guerrillas
and organized common criminals -- poorly named paramilitaries -- with equal
force.
Council members said that many former guerrillas who took
advantage of government amnesty programs now work as paramilitaries, manning
the checkpoint and receiving monthly salaries of about $300.
What the government did with the amnesty policy was move
these guys from one armed group to another and give them new guns and even more
power, another council member said. Thats not working for
peace.
Plea for presence
Key to the survival of the San José community is the
presence of an international missionary team and visits from Catholic church
personnel, say those who live here. The church accompanies us in
everything. We feel much more secure and guided because of their presence
here, a council member said.
Red Cross volunteers also provide protection to peasants venturing
to fields to harvest crops. The San José community members said they
will continue to resist and will not allow paramilitaries to repopulate the
zone, a tactic used elsewhere. Community leaders said, however, that powerful
economic interests will complicate their return to their farms.
San José de Apartadó is nestled among hills known as
the Serrania del Abibe, which guards reserves of high quality, low sulfur coal.
With that coal in these hills, the government is not going to give in so
easily, a council member said.
The coal companies want our land. Where there is money to be
made, the life of a peasant is worth nothing, he said. The peasant
is doomed to die or be shoved to one side.
Church leaders and members of nongovernmental organizations
working in zones of conflict say the San José de Apartadó
Community of Peace is a model for a solution to the mayhem in the Colombian
countryside. Bishop Iván Castaño of Quibdó, the capital of
the Chocó department from which 10,000 peasants fled in February, said
that neutrality is a prerequisite for peace and for the return of the displaced
to their homelands.
We are interested in creating a bridge between the parts
that are in conflict, to get them to reach agreements to stop the killing of
civilians. Its a utopian idea, but only then can the displaced go home
and live in a security zone, he said. The people have come to beg
us for a solution. And the only thing the people believe in anymore is the
church. They certainly dont believe in the paramilitary, who beat on
them. They dont believe in the army, and they dont believe in the
guerrillas.
The Riosucio displaced, like the San José community,
insisted that for them to return, their hamlets must be free of all armed
actors -- including the Colombian military. We want a commitment that we
will be respected, that we civilians will not be targeted, said leaders
of the displaced in Pavarando. We want titles to our land,
indemnification for all weve lost. And security for our communities must
come from the International Red Cross, from international nongovernmental
organizations, from the church.
But academics, intellectuals and church leaders expressed doubt
this formula of neutral communities can succeed without simultaneous, national
level peace negotiations that require international support.
Peace is the responsibility of everyone or of no one.
Negotiations of this conflict must be carried out by national actors, but we
must count on international presence to assure that commitments are
fulfilled, said Bishop Alberto Giraldo, president of Colombias
episcopal conference.
On the other side of the country, in Villavicencio, in the Eastern
Plains, the request was the same. In the work with the displaced and in
human rights, foreigners are important. With them here, we are not eliminated
so easily. We can also transmit internationally what these people are living
through, said Italian Comboni Br. Marco Binaghi, part of the church human
rights team.
Los Andes Leal afforded an even stronger role to
international actors. Given the international conditions of the post-Cold
War, of the globalization of the economy, the country cannot get out of this by
itself, without international mediation, he said. But the wrong
kind of intervention could push us toward even greater deterioration, for
example, if the gringos decided to intervene militarily. This is not Panama. It
is not the Dominican Republic. And we do not need a unilateral disaster dressed
up as the United Nations, Haiti style.
Neoliberal obstacles
Leal and other analysts agreed that the global economic panorama
does not favor a solution to Colombias conflict. Torres of the monthly
Utopias said that paramilitary squads can create a climate that favors
neoliberal economic policies and international investment.
Neoliberalism needs ... a hard hand against social sectors
that press for economic and social reforms. Neoliberalism does not want to
deliver those reforms. Its rule is let those who can buy, buy. Those who
cannot, if they shout, we will repress them.
Episcopal conference president Giraldo said neoliberal economic
models exacerbate the impoverishment and inequity that breed conflict in
Colombia and that impede peace negotiations. These neoliberal policies
that permeate our legislation and our customs are wounds to peace. Economic
liberalization has meant the death of small enterprise here, even of middle
level enterprise. The import of foodstuffs has meant the closing of our
mills, he said.
Leal pointed out that the kinds of economic reforms that left-wing
guerrillas espouse as prerequisites for peace run against the neoliberal
current. He said in contrast to prior peace negotiations where rebels came out
of the political cold to accept low-level jobs, the guerrillas today are
holding out for a commitment to much deeper structural changes in things
that havent seen solutions for decades -- agrarian reform, for
example, at a time when drug traffickers have become the most powerful
landholding class.
Leal said another major obstacle to peace negotiations is the
military. They have, he said become a part of the social
organization of violence. They are articulated with the
paramilitaries, with powerful economic interests, with the forces most
resistant to reform -- the landowners. You cannot separate the drug traffickers
from the landowners from the military, he said. The military are
the force of the state and they are under an ideological scheme of privileges
which is difficult to change.
Within Colombian society today, Leal said, there is no civil
force, organization or party that can move the military. And, he said, their
strength has been bolstered with U.S. assistance in recent years.
Drug trafficking placed us in the international arena,
qualifying us as an enemy to the national security of the United States. So our
conflict is now of international character, Leal said.
Leal said a best case scenario would be United Nations mediation
of Colombias conflict. This would be convenient, and the sooner the
better.
In this context, does peace have a chance? According to Leal, yes,
but there is no easy formula. For negotiations to work, we must do away
with all of these strongly rooted privileges. And reforms of this style in this
country today would be like a revolution.
National Catholic Reporter, October 24,
1997
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