EDITORIAL Beware comeback of religious right in
98
Ralph Reed is gone and the Christian Coalition is downsizing. It
doesnt appear that Pat Robertson is interested in another presidential
run.
Hold the applause, thats 1997. The religious right has been
counted out -- or at least on the way out -- too many times before only to
re-emerge, fashioning some new approach to make the politics of intolerance
tolerable.
As the new year dawns, the religious rights rising star is
Gary Bauer of the Family Research Council, a pro-family lobbying group, who is
already suggesting himself as a possible GOP candidate in the 2000
elections.
His Campaign for the Working Families PAC has already raised $1.6
million.
All this looks like different names, same games. Important games
for sure.
Regardless of the role of God in Ralph Reeds personal life,
Reed really was a workaday political operative -- an extremely calculating and
effective one -- on behalf of Pat Robertson and the Christian Coalition. When
he left the coalition last year, he shed the vestments and returned to the
world of political hardball without the God veneer.
The Family Research Council is a Washington-based organization
once associated with James Dobsons Focus on the Family, based in Colorado
Springs, Colo. Though former Reagan White House Education Undersecretary Bauer
is not a Reed clone, hes in Washington to lobby for religious right
fundamentals: to develop and advocate legislative and public policy
initiatives which strengthen and fortify the family and promote traditional
values while informing and educating citizens on how they can
promote biblical principles in our culture.
Bauer has publicly wondered about consumerisms insidious
effects on the family. Hell have to stop that sort of musing if he runs
for the White House, of course. (Even if he runs, he wont win. Not enough
Americans vote that way.)
Despite the Reed-Bauer similarity, we should recall that what the
media -- and we -- call the religious right no more reflects a
single point of view than does Catholicism.
This raises at least three things to consider in 1998.
First, public perception (meaning the secular media) now accepts
that fundamentalist and evangelical Christians did not suddenly appear on earth
when Jerry Falwell invented the Moral Majority in the 1960s.
Second, most Americans might actually welcome evangelical
Christians as next-door neighbors and live to tell the tale. We see this
changed secular media perception in the way Promise Keepers was seriously
discussed in the national media during their Oct. 4 Washington gathering.
The religious right remains both headache and savior to the
Republican Party. The rights activists drive the party regulars crazy.
Their religion-based platform planks make little sense to operatives
masterminding strategy and tactics in the cold-eyed, numbers counting polls and
the electoral fray that is driven by mass mailings. Reeds willingness to
cut political deals clearly alienated some of the coalitions bedrock
believers. On the other hand the GOP knows an absolute antiabortion plank
wont make for a winning ticket.
But the religious right can get out a lot of the
Republican/conservative vote much of the time. Thats why otherwise
mainstream Republican candidates turn up at religious right venues to genuflect
and turn up the volume on their newly discovered conservative Christian
views.
The third point is perhaps the most important -- it has to do with
the role the religious right is playing in U.S. society.
The trouble with the label religious right is that
were not sure whom were including when we use it. We know
some, such as Falwell, Robertson, Reed, Fr. Richard Neuhaus, Michael
Novak and the Catholic Campaign for America. Yet we have to watch out for the
lulling mantra effect of saying the words religious right lest we
miss a bigger picture.
While the religious right most often makes for scary politics and
punitive social programs, its campaigns highlighting such matters as the
breakdown of social order, family life, personal responsibility, public
education and the rest of its agenda have served to focus the national debate.
And evangelical Jim Wallis, no right-winger, through the formation of Call to
Renewal, has drawn an impressive cross-section of religious right organizations
into the discussion of such a nonreligious right issue as poverty.
But the Wallis effort is an aberration that nibbles at the edges
of a very large arena and is of no value as a general measure of the religious
rights activities or influence.
With all due respect to seeking civility in our public debate,
those who do not think a fundamentalist theocracy is the best path to solving
societys problems will have to become a bit more cunning and calculating,
serpents as well as doves, in dealing with the religious right.
The mistake of those not of the religious right persuasion has
been to ignore or dismiss the topics they raise. The mistake will be compounded
if the religious right is permitted to be the only voice framing discussion of
those topics.
While predictions of the religious rights demise have been
premature, its unnecessary to concede as much ground as has been given
over. The sad reality is that the religious right has appropriated the language
of Christianity as if it had an exclusive copyright. Too often, in our news
broadcasts and the popular cultures understanding of things, to be
Christian means to subscribe to the theology of prosperity and punitive
politics of the likes of Robertson, Reed, Falwell and the rest. They have been
allowed to politicize Christian language while doing nothing to Christianize
political responsibility.
National Catholic Reporter, January 16,
1998
|