EDITORIAL To be Catholic in China: not quite as it
seems
Secretary of State Madeleine
Albright drew Beijing ire earlier this month when she criticized Chinese human
rights abuses. Her remarks were long overdue. The Clinton administrations
China engagement policy has avoided public confrontation -- and has
not worked.
For the past six months Beijing has cracked down on political
dissent, arresting nonviolent democracy advocates. Washington has been under
pressure to say something as the arrests fly in the face of a human rights
pledge Beijing made last year when it signed the International Covenant on
Civil and Political Rights.
Catholics in China, who practice religion under Beijings
watchful eye, must be following recent developments carefully, knowing how
tenuous their own gains could be. To be Catholic in China is to live under the
cloud of suspicion and the tensions that arise from uncertainty. Freedoms won
can quickly become freedoms lost.
Chinese officials said Beijing regretted Albrights negative
comments and added that if the United States presses for a resolution critical
of China in the U.N. Human Rights Commission this year, it could damage
bilateral relations.
China wants it both ways. It wants Western investment and
engagement; it desires to be an accepted member of the international community.
However, it also wants the West to keep silent concerning serious rights
violations. It wants to be free to violate human rights standards as it
pleases. What China does not understand -- or refuses to accept -- is the idea
that human rights, including political and religious freedom, are issues that
transcend national boundaries.
At issue in China are not national rights but universal human
rights.
Wang Guangya, Chinas assistant foreign minister, was quick
to point a finger at the United States, citing aspects of the U.S. judicial
system, including issues of race, police violence and prison conditions, as
human rights violations. Wang included on the list of criticisms the U.S. death
penalty and the disproportionately high number of African Americans in U.S.
prisons. Though these are serious issues, they are not of the same degree as
are the rights violations occurring in China.
Washington should welcome Chinas scrutiny and criticisms. In
offering them, China tacitly accepts the notion that human rights are not
solely matters of a nations internal affairs.
Amnesty International, in its most recent report on Chinese rights
abuses, cited Beijing for the arbitrary detention of possibly thousands
of protesters and suspected government opponents, the continued imprisonment of
thousands of political prisoners, grossly unfair trials, widespread torture and
ill-treatment in police cells, prisons and labor camps, and the extensive use
of the death penalty.
Chinese authorities argue that making changes in their approach to
human rights is not possible because of the need to maintain [national]
stability. It is understandable that a nation of Chinas size,
having witnessed decades of civil war, military occupation and a cultural
revolution, seeks stability. One must appreciate that people who have
experienced famine and starvation have a compulsion to maintain stable food
sources. China claims the right to eat is a human right not in the Wests
lexicon.
Unlike the West, China has virtually no history of political
pluralism. At the same time it has introduced freedoms not imagined by anyone
in the West when the Red flag was first unfurled over Tiananmen Square, nearly
50 years ago, on Oct. 2, 1949.
In the final analysis, Beijings continued rights violations
do not help or advance national stability. Rather they serve one purpose:
holding firm the grip of Chinas ruling elite.
Meanwhile, Chinese Catholics are forced to decide to either
cooperate with government-imposed guidelines or face reprisals. Last year
underground priests were arrested and Catholics were harassed in several
provinces. Reports surfaced -- denied by Beijing -- that prostitutes were
employed to seduce priests.
Catholics can practice the faith only in officially recognized
churches. All adult Catholics must register their faith commitment with the
government. Catholics cannot run private schools. Catholics cannot proselytize
the faith outside church boundaries. Catholics are not allowed formal contacts
with the Vatican.
To be a Chinese Catholic is to be acutely aware of these
government regulations. Some Catholics go along with the rules, others do not.
And so the church remains divided.
Good Chinese Catholics have made good arguments for cooperation
and noncooperation. Among these have been bishops, priests, nuns and lay
faithful.
The story of Chinese Catholics is one of simple faith, courage and
heartbreak. Catholicism in China is just beginning to emerge on its own. Key
Chinese Catholics recognize that for Catholicism in China to grow it must move
from its understandably defensive posture into active engagement with the wider
Chinese society. Key Catholics also appear to know that the best path for this
engagement is performing works of charity and justice, working with other
Chinese as the nation attempts to respond to pressing social needs.
In the end, Chinese Catholics will find their own way. They will
inculturate the faith. They are already doing it. Circumstance, for example,
has forced Chinese Catholics to develop unique notions of being local church.
Eventually sharing these ideas with the wider church will be an important
gift.
Because of conditions in China, virtually all interviews for the
articles in this issue were with members of the official church. However,
painstaking care was taken to gain accurate secondhand reports from the
underground church.
Recognizing the divisions among Chinese Catholics, it would be
wise to follow Pope John Paul IIs lead. He has not taken sides and has
repeatedly called for reconciliation.
Meanwhile, U.S. Catholics can provide assistance, first by
attempting to learn about conditions in China and and then by finding
opportunities to respond to Chinese Catholic needs.
For now it is easier to make contacts with official church members
and to provide assistance through their channels. Some day hopefully
distinctions between official and underground Catholics will no longer be
necessary.
Chinas seminaries and convents are in need of religious
educational materials. Student exchanges need to be encouraged. Study tours are
learning opportunities. The U.S. Catholic China Bureau
(chinabur@shu.edu) will hold a conference on China next month in
Burlingame, Calif. Each step is aimed at breaking down the isolation of
Catholics in China.
It is myopic to think that because the Vatican does not publicly
recognize the official Chinese Catholic church, U.S. Catholics should have
nothing to do with it. Quiet diplomacy is the nature of the day. Nothing in
China is quite as it seems.
Europes Catholics, meanwhile, including key members of the
hierarchy, have responded generously, providing assistance to the official
church for printing presses, seminary assistance and prayer houses. U.S.
Catholics, with a few exceptions, have largely remained on the sidelines. Such
timidity only serves to continue an unhealthy isolation and delays the day when
all of Chinas Catholics will be able to speak their minds and contribute
to the fullest to the local and universal church.
National Catholic Reporter, January 29,
1999
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