Perspective
America should listen to stirrings abroad
By JOHN L. ALLEN JR.
Self-described punk
conservative P.J. ORourke once captured what I suppose many
Americans feel about European criticism of the United States. In his essay
Attack of the Euro-weenies, ORourke said he would take
complaints about American cultural hegemony seriously when the Europeans
stopped lining up around the block to eat at McDonalds.
While theres truth to that, its probably time to think
past such knee-jerk dismissals of European sentiment. With the launch of the
euro and the drive toward political and economic unity symbolized by the new
currency, a United States of Europe -- in fact if not in name -- may soon be
poised to compete with the United States of America for the title of the
worlds indispensable nation.
Given this, youd think that U.S.-European relations would be
big news these days. They are -- at least in Europe. During the first part of
March, three stories played out on front pages across the continent suggest
ties between the United States and Europe are suffering critical strains. Some
commentators argued that European-American relations are approaching a new
low.
We didnt hear much about this from the American press.
Barbara Walters interview with the First Intern, which occurred at
roughly the same time, seemed to incapacitate our media from paying much
attention to anything else. Its important to take heed, however, because
each of these three stories raises questions about the way we conduct ourselves
among the family of nations.
The first concerned the executions in Arizona of Karl and Walter
LaGrand. These two brothers were German citizens whose family moved to America
when they were children. Both were convicted of stabbing a manager to death in
a botched bank robbery in 1982 and both were sentenced to death. One chose to
die by lethal injection, the other in the gas chamber. Karl was executed Feb.
24, and Walter on March 3.
The executions inflamed anti-American sentiment in Germany and
across Europe, and not just because most Europeans regard the death penalty as
barbaric. Nor is it simply because the gas chamber stirs dark memories for
post-Hitler Germans.
Rather, its because Arizonas rush to kill the LaGrand
brothers once again underlined Americas willingness to disregard
international law when it suits our purposes. The Vienna Convention -- to which
the United States is a signatory -- stipulates that if one nation wants to try
anothers citizen, that citizen must be allowed to contact his embassy to
request assistance. Arizona authorities concede that the LaGrand brothers were
not informed of their right to do so for more than a decade, but argue that the
requirements of international treaties have no force under Arizona law.
German chancellor Gerhard Schroeder took the LaGrand case to the
International Court of Justice in the Hague, asking it to request a delay in
the execution. The court issued such a request, but no dice. The executions
went ahead as planned.
The second story was the verdict from a military jury that cleared
Marine Capt. Richard Ashby in the cable car accident that killed 20 skiers in
Italy last year. Several European papers editorialized that if the situation
had been reversed -- had it been a foreign aircraft that killed American
citizens -- the Clinton administration would have moved heaven and earth to
have the trial take place on American soil under American law, and it would
have ended in a conviction. Right or wrong, the argument speaks to how America
is perceived, even by some of our closest allies.
The final story concerns a trade dispute. The situation is
complex, but it boils down to this: The European Union subsidizes bananas
imported from several small Caribbean nations. Many of those nations have a
one-crop economy, and the loss of the subsidy would be catastrophic. The United
States is insisting that Europe eliminate the subsidy so bananas harvested in
Latin America by major American producers such as Chiquita can compete in
Europe on an even basis. Europeans argue that they have a historic
responsibility to assist former colonial territories and that any damage to
multinational giants such as Chiquita is sustainable; the U.S. insists that
Europeans follow the letter of international trade agreements.
The United States has opted to impose 100 percent sanctions
against imports of several European products, a move that threatens to bankrupt
dozens of businesses and throw scores of people out of work. Europeans already
see the United States as too rabidly capitalistic, too little interested in
fair play and social solidarity. This case has, for many, cemented that
perception.
Collectively, these three developments have left many Europeans
wondering how the United States can be so oblivious to how its perceived
in the rest of the world. A commentator in the German newspaper
Süddeutsche Zeitung put it this way: While resentment of the United
States has often been driven by Europes frustration over its own
declining fortunes -- a mirror to our own impotence, as this writer
put it -- that isnt the whole story.
The United States seems to have no real foreign policy, he said,
just decisions about foreign affairs driven by domestic politics. In other
words, recent events have confirmed for many Europeans that the United States
doesnt give a damn what anyone else thinks. The French have coined a new
word for what they see as this burst of American arrogance:
hyperpuissance, or hyper-power.
It is not a perception likely to advance American interests or to
help America contribute to the peace and stability the world so desperately
craves.
As a postscript, Arizona currently has two other German brothers
on death row, Rudy and Michael Apelt, held in the same prision where the
LaGrands were incarcerated. It is an amazing coincidence. Whether it represents
a second chance remains to be seen.
National Catholic Reporter, March 19,
1999
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