Special
Report
Religion, labor tap new energy as allies
By ARTHUR JONES
NCR Staff
This is a different way of playing chicken: praying and singing in
the Louisville, Ky., headquarters of Kentucky Fried Chicken -- praying and
singing songs until KFC management agrees to meet with 600 Jobs for Justice
activists outside.
On the Delmarva Peninsula on the East Coast, Jobs for Justice
allies are meeting with Congressional representatives. Theres similar
agitation in North Carolina, Virginia and West Virginia. These are
representatives of religious denominations seeking changes in working
conditions, pay and benefits on behalf of poultry workers.
The umbrella group for all this organizing and advocacy work is
the Chicago-based National Interfaith Committee for Worker Justice.
The organizations genesis is as peculiar, perhaps, as its
purpose -- joining religion to the cause of labor. In the early 90s, Kim
Bobos grandmother left her $5,000. She took Ellen Garretts money
and invested it in a venture that wont show up in many portfolios -- she
started a national interfaith committee for worker justice.
Even more foolish, depending on ones point of view, with her
husbands encouragement, she also gave up half her day job to pursue the
dream. Or mirage.
Her investment has grown to include more than 40 local groups
nationwide.
Bobo -- today the mother of 4-year-old twins Eric and Benjamin --
thought at the start that all the major religious denominations had a person
who worked full time on labor issues.
Surprise.
In her first attempt, she said, the Catholics helped her a bit.
The U.S. Catholic Conference offered her the name of retired labor
priest Msgr. George Higgins, but didnt have his telephone number,
and they gave her staffer Thomas Shellaburgers name. He wears the
Catholic Conference labor hat along with several others.
Actually Bobo had been spoiled. She had worked with
interdenominational groups before as an organizer for Bread for the World
throughout its first decade. Most religious groups did have a person assigned
to the hunger issue. Shed simply presumed the same was true for labor.
Back to the drawing board -- unabashed.
Bobo is a Cincinnati native who holds a BA in religion from
Barnard College and an MA in economics from the New School for Social Research,
both in New York. She said she grew up in a very evangelical and
fundamentalist family.
I jokingly tell people I do this work because I memorized my
Bible passages as a kid, but its actually true, she said.
Ive always taken seriously the call to be involved in doing justice
to care for the poor.
After Bread for the World, Bobo moved in 1986 to Chicago as a
trainer of community organizers at the Saul Alinsky-founded Midwest
Academy.
In 1990, during a large gathering of organizers, someone
talked about the Pittston coal miners strike. I sort of wandered up to an
organizer and said, Whats the religious community doing on
this?
He said, A lot in southwest Virginia but nothing
nationally.
Bobo said shed try to organize something. On a national
level, she failed.
Rebuffed, she concentrated on bringing together religious
folk in Chicago who would be intentional about supporting workers rights.
And rebuilding some of those religion-labor ties.
Time for a new alliance
By 1995 she was receiving calls from around the country asking,
Couldnt we have one of these groups in our town? Encouraged
by reformer John Sweeneys election as AFL-CIO president and sensing a new
moment for a religion-labor alliance, Bobo took the plunge. First, with the
agreement of her husband Stephen Coats, director of the U.S-Guatemala Labor
Education Project, she determined that we could probably live with half
of my academy salary for a while. With that decision, she began rounding
up committed people in religion.
Then Grandmother Garrett died and left the $5,000. Bobo wrote a
concept paper, then tried to figure out who in the faith traditions was
the best person on labor issues, and began working the telephone until
she gathered commitments from a number of denominations.
As part of her pitch, she was offering an eminently refusable
deal: Its a working board not a name board. You have to come to
meetings and work and you have to pay your own way. More than 40 people
couldnt resist and signed on as board members -- people like retired
United Methodist Bishop Jesse DeWitt of Detroit (a former sheet metal worker
apprentice and member of the Mechanics Educational Society, now part of the
United Autoworkers).
Today hes the interfaith committees president.
Theres African Methodist Episcopal Zion minister the Rev. Michael J.
Rouse of New Rochelle, N.Y.; the United Church of Christs Homeland
Ministries director, the Rev. Theodore H. Erickson; Rabbi Kenneth L. Cohen of
the United Synagogues of Conservative Judaism; and the Catholic bishop of
Albany, N.Y., Howard J. Hubbard.
Bobos second tactic was to tackle labor. She went to see
Sweeney. I just wanted to make sure we had those ties from Day 1,
she said. I laid out what I wanted to do, and frankly the AFL-CIO and a
lot of individual unions have been very supportive.
Then Bobo had to launch into another new area: fundraising. She
has two little signs on her desk. One reads: If you want money you have
to ask for it. If you ask enough people, you will get it. The word you will
hear most often is no, so your success depends on the number of people you ask.
If no one has turned you down recently, its because you havent been
asking enough.
So she keeps asking across a wide variety of sources and is
bringing in enough to keep going. In its three-year existence, the Interfaith
Committee has started 42 local groups nationwide. Half of them are quite
strong, Bobo said. She is pleasantly surprised at the response. I
mean people just calling in from all sorts of places. I had to look some of
them up on the map.
Her timing wasnt bad, given the growing commitment of the
religious community to labor issues, reflected in staff and agencies working on
labor topics. Bobo rattles off names -- Thomas Shellaburger for the Catholics;
Ron Steif at the United Church of Christ; Presbyterian church women; the
Methodist Quadrenniums worker task force; the National Council of
Churchs womens division.
But it has not been all clear sailing among religious groups.
Labor operates differently
Clearly the religiously owned and sponsored hospitals and
nursing homes -- the hospital leaderships visceral antiunion stuff
has been one of the most difficult chapters (NCR, Nov. 14, 1997). She
paused, then said, Anyway, the dynamics are really bad.
The other difficulties concern the cultural differences between
the religious community and labor. Bobo put it politely: Those of us who
come out of the religious, social justice kind of stuff, were used to
bunk beds and retreat centers. Thats not how the labor community does
things.
Bobo was talking about how labor generally functions from
comfortable offices, staying in good hotels and funding activities at levels
rarely known to advocacy groups.
Plus frequently theres a lot more protocol in the
labor movement, compared to religious social action stuff in general, she
said. Dont deal with labor organizers unless their president is on
board, that sort of thing.
For some Americans, unionism carries a lot of baggage, from
corrupt locals and sweetheart contracts, to free-spending and ties to the mob.
Like the religious community, there are sinful parts, counters
Bobo. The Episcopal treasurer ran off with all the money. Youll
find similar corruption in some unions. It certainly makes my work harder. But
its wrong to imply that everybodys corrupt. And, she adds,
its essential to keep focused.
Bobo believes that U.S. labor has entered a new, encouraging
moment. I think theres a lot of new energy -- a lot of terrific new
organizers out there, she said. Plus this is a change moment in the
religious community, too. Theres economic trends in the society where
youve increasingly got half the jobs below the poverty wage. Were
losing our middle class. Anybody who pastors any sort of normal church knows
these things, because they see it.
Some of that new energy was evident just this spring as
faith-backed groups involved themselves in pickle company boycotts, marched
with food workers at the University of Southern California, held Manhattan
vigils on behalf of 60 kitchen workers at the Angelo and Maxies
Steakhouses, and protested sweat shop conditions at a San Diego furniture
factory, Quality Craft, by picketing a Phoenix store that sells its
products.
In the words of Jim Lowthers, whose mid-Atlantic Local 400 of the
United Food and Commercial Workers union has recently hired nine full-time
organizers who speak Korean, Vietnamese, French and Spanish, the immigrant
workers are who we all used to be.
Said Bobo, It doesnt mean that people understand that
one reason for the growing disparity is the decline of the unions. Theres
little knowledge or recognition of unionisms successes
historically. But thats changing -- and the Interfaith
Committees contacts and workers are spearheading the change.
What the religious community is learning is contained in the other
little sign on Bobos desk: Justice will not be granted. It must be
demanded.
The National Interfaith Committee on Worker Justice is
headquartered at 1020 West Bryn Mawr, 4th floor., Chicago, IL 60660; phone:
(773) 728-8400. Fax: (773) 728-8409. E-mail: nicwj@igc.org Web site:
www.igc.org/nicwj
Milestones in
Catholic churchs role in labor movement |
1879: The Knights of
Labor, a Catholic labor movement that peaked in the 1880s, is founded in the
United States. Most members eventually joined either the American Federation of
Labor or unions affiliated with the Congress of Industrial Organizations.
1891: Leo XIII issues Rerum Novarum
(On the condition of workers), the first papal encyclical on social
questions. Leo endorsed the right of laborers to organize.
1916:Fr. John A. Ryan publishes
Distributive Justice, analyzing the U.S. economy from the point of view
of Catholic social teaching. Ryan would become a major force for Catholic
support of the labor movement. 1919: The
U.S. bishops issue their Bishops Program for social renewal after
World War I. It was the first pronouncement by the U.S. hierarchy on social and
economic problems. Its support for collective bargaining, unemployment
insurance and protection for the elderly anticipated many of the elements of
the New Deal. 1931: Pius XI issues
Quadragesimo Anno, reaffirming the churchs commitment to labor. It
is the first papal document to use the phrase social justice.
1933: Peter Maurin and Dorothy Day start
The Catholic Worker newspaper in New York City, a voice for labor and
Catholic social teaching still being published. 1935: The Association of Catholic Trade Unionists is
formed in the United States, designed to bring church teachings on the economy
and workers rights to the people. 1948: The United Nations issues its Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, with observers from the Holy See present. The
declaration includes a strong section on social and political rights.
1965: The Vatican II document Gaudium et
Spes reaffirms the churchs commitment to the rights of labor flowing
from the dignity of the human person. 1986:
The U.S. bishops issue their pastoral letter Economic Justice for All,
which calls for a renewed Catholic commitment to social and economic
justice. 1991: John Paul II issues
Centesimus Annus on the 100th anniversary of Leo XIIIs encyclical,
reaffirming papal support for collective bargaining, a living wage and
cooperative rather than competitive relations between labor and management.
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National Catholic Reporter, June 4,
1999
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