Viewpoint A moment of hope in Israel, but Barak must
commit to peace
By NEVE GORDON
Barak, Barak, Barak, Bibi, Barak,
Barak, Bibi, rang the voice of the ultra-orthodox Jew as he counted the
votes in the neighborhood polling station. It was around 2 a.m., and the
observers from the different parties -- including myself -- were exhausted.
At least for some of us the fatigue was mixed with joy, since it
was already clear that the Israeli public had sent Bibi Netanyahu packing.
Others, including the man counting the votes, were deeply disappointed, still
hoping that the incumbent would pull yet another rabbit out of his hat. But
this time the premier was left without tricks.
Israels new leader, Ehud Barak, entered the political arena
after spending most of his life in the military. As chief of staff, he had
pledged to convert Israels large military apparatus into a small
and smart army prepared for the 21st century. But most analysts agree
that after his five-year tenure, the military was left essentially unaltered.
As prime minister he will have to do better.
Before he enters office, its worth examining some of the
pressing issues he needs to address. Most urgent among these is peace. During
his campaign, Barak promised that within a year he will pull the Israeli troops
out of Lebanon -- Israels Vietnam. Unlike Netanyahu, he acknowledges that
any withdrawal from Lebanon must be linked to a peace treaty with Syria.
Perhaps this is the reason that in his election speech the Golan
Heights were notably absent. Barak, so it seems, is preparing the Israeli
public for the imminent surrender of the Golan to Syrian hands, a move that
will pave the way for peace with both Syria and Lebanon.
While I am hopeful that Barak will reach an agreement with
Israels northern neighbors, I have less confidence concerning his
intentions toward Palestinians. During his election speech Barak declared that
Israel will not share sovereignty over Jerusalem and will not
dismantle most of the Jewish settlements built on occupied Palestinian land.
Beginning his term with these two nots is, I believe, a grave
mistake.
If a just and lasting peace in the Middle East is his objective,
then why not share sovereignty over Jerusalem? Instead of being a site of
bloody conflict, Jerusalem can become a model city in which the principles of
freedom and equality inform the lives of all its residents -- Jews, Moslems,
and Christians. To be sure, only a courageous leader will be able to convince
the Israeli public that sharing the citys sovereignty is a worthy
endeavor. And while Barak has proven his courage on the battlefield, it takes
much more to be a peacemaker.
Besides ruining the peace process, Netanyahu also left Barak a
divided country. Commentators repeatedly mention the rift between
ultra-orthodox and secular Jews, claiming that when push comes to shove the
former group does not respect Israels democratic institutions. These
commentators fail to point out that so long as the nexus between religion and
state served Israels nationalistic aspirations the secular population did
not contest it. In fact, ever since Ben Gurion, Israels first prime
minister, the states Jewish character was used by the establishment to
homogenize Israels diverse immigrant population, inscribing an us
vs. them mentality between Jews and Arabs.
Recently the bond between religion and state has been challenged,
but not because it grants privileges to Jews at the expense of non-Jewish
citizens. Rather, the secular population has realized that the states
Jewish character benefits the ultra-orthodox community disproportionately.
Using secular anger during his campaign, Barak declared that he will check the
allocation of funds provided to the ultra-orthodox and challenge their
unwillingness to participate in civic duties.
This might be a rightful undertaking, but the benefits conferred
on the ultra-orthodox are not the real issue. The heart of the matter is the
tension between the universalistic aspirations of a democratic state and
Israels particular Jewish character. Thus, Barak needs to address the
countrys Jewish identity, which at this point is held together by the
connection between religion and state.
Finally, Barak must attend to the ever-growing economic disparity.
If up until the 1970s Israel was one of the most egalitarian Western countries
(amid its Jewish population), today the gap between the rich and the poor is
among the highest in the industrialized world. Not unlike the destitute Gazans
who have joined the Hamas, thousands of Israelis supported the ultra-orthodox
political party Shas because it provides social services for the poor. That is,
people join these movements in spite of their fanatical religious tendencies
and not because of them.
Thus, alongside giving life to the peace process, Barak must begin
reducing the economic gap while simultaneously appropriating Shas social
services so that the government and not Shas will provide the poor with school
lunches, day-care and after school activities.
A formidable task stands before Barak. Although Israel has made
the impressive move of ousting Netanyahu, we have a long way before we reach
the promised land.
Neve Gordon is a former Israeli paratrooper and former director
of the Israeli-Palestinian Physicians for Human Rights. After completing a
doctoral degree at the University of Notre Dame, Gordon is back in Jerusalem
with his family.
National Catholic Reporter, June 4,
1999
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