Viewpoint Treatment of enemy corpses is
vindictive
By NEVE GORDON
Death and burial rituals are central
to all cultures. Often we hear of a country exerting enormous effort in order
to retrieve corpses of soldiers felled in battle. But while exalting the bodies
of their own soldiers, some governments abuse enemy corpses and attempt to hide
this dark conduct from the public eye.
The Israeli rights organization, HaMoked, learned of Israels
policy toward enemy corpses when Alia Abirijeh, a 74 year-old Palestinian
residing in Jordan approached the organization, inquiring about her son Issa.
He had run away from home when he was 16, Abirijeh told HaMokeds director
Dalia Kerstein. Abirijeh added that a couple of years later a Palestinian
organization in Lebanon informed her that Issa had been killed in a clash with
the Israeli military.
Abirijeh had traveled from Jordan to Israel, hoping to recover the
corpse and bring it back to the family gravesite. Following the mothers
appeal, HaMoked began searching. We petitioned the High Court of Justice,
asking it to order the state to disclose Issas whereabouts,
Kerstein says. Only then did the state admit that Issa had been killed in
Lebanon and had been buried in plot 245 in a cemetery for dead enemies.
We then requested a DNA test to confirm that the corpse was
indeed Issas, Kerstein continues. She said that Attorney Rosenthal
from HaMoked was present when the body was removed. In his affidavit to the
High Court, Rosenthal stated: A bulldozer opened grave number 246. The
body was buried at a depth of around 50 centimeters. The jaw protruded from the
plastic sack containing the body. The bulldozer turned to plot 245. There were
two bodies in the plot. The bulldozer turned to grave 244 to check if it was
empty, and it was.
The DNA results suggest that neither of the bodies buried in plot
245 nor the body from the adjacent plot was Issas. While Issas
whereabouts continue to be a mystery, his story led HaMoked and BTselem,
another Israeli rights organization, to investigate this lesser-known aspect of
Israels policy: its treatment of enemy corpses. In their recently
published report, Captive Corpses, the two organizations claim that
enemy bodies are not only buried in a demeaning and shameful manner, but that
Israel refuses to return bodies to the bereaved families.
Neither the maltreatment of bodies nor refusal to grant permission
to hold a funeral is a novel phenomenon. We often read about it in the Bible.
For instance, when Rechab and Baanah murder an innocent man, David orders his
soldiers to kill the two, cut of their hands and feet, and hang their bodies in
the air. In Platos Laws, death is not always a sufficient penalty. At
times the people are called to strip the corpse, stone it and leave it unburied
outside the citys walls.
What, one might ask, is the rationale behind these punishments?
After all, the crimes perpetrator is already dead.
Michel Foucault, who spent many years analyzing punishment
practices, maintains that until the mid-18th century reprisal against bodies
was administered according to a clear logic informed by the equation between
state and sovereign. He explains that besides its immediate victim -- for
instance, a murdered citizen -- the crime attacks the sovereign: It
attacks him personally, since the law represents the will of the sovereign; it
attacks him physically since the force of law is the force of the prince.
Punishment, Foucault concludes, required redress for the injury that has been
done to the kingdom itself, including revenge for an affront to the kings
very person. The aim was to re-establish the dissymmetry between the
subject who has dared to violate the law and the all-powerful sovereign who
displays his strength.
Whereas Foucault claims that during the enlightenment this kind of
rationale was surpassed, I think it still informs many government policies,
only now the nation has replaced the sovereign.
Israels treatment of enemy corpses is a case in point. In 1994, after a
series of suicide bombings, a consistent policy was established under which
Israel would not hand over bodies except in extremely rare cases. The reason
leading to this abrupt policy change is revealing.
While the Palestinians who attack Israeli citizens using guns and
grenades can be killed or imprisoned by the Israeli security forces, the
suicide bombers take all agency into their own hands and thus eliminate
Israels ability to punish them. But, according to the pre-enlightenment
logic, the sovereign must continue to affirm its superiority against the
violator, it must respond to the transgression with vengeance. Since the bomber
is dead, mistreating the body and keeping it hostage is the only means
available.
While I readily condemn the heinous acts committed by the suicide
bombers, Israels treatment of enemy corpses exposes an atavistic policy
informed by vindictiveness instead of justice. Privileging nationalistic
sentiments over democratic practice has led Israel to punish people -- the
perpetrators bereaved family -- who are neither guilty nor even suspect.
Not unlike other measures Israel takes, such as demolition of homes, holding
corpses hostage constitutes collective punishment of innocent persons. This
punishment, HaMoked and Btselem conclude, is immoral and contravenes
international law. I would also add that the logic informing it threatens
Israeli democracy.
Neve Gordon teaches in the Department of Politics and
Government at Ben Gurion University in Israel and can be reached at
ngordon@bgumail.bgu.ac.il
National Catholic Reporter, October 8,
1999
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