Analysis Castro. End of discussion
By TOM BLACKBURN
Special to the National Catholic Reporter Miami
Castro stops all thought, discussion or debate in Miami. Whatever
offends him must be extolled publicly and vociferously. Anything that could
please him must be denounced.
Understanding the autohysteria in Miami over Elián Gonzalez
requires that one understand that.
Most Americans go weeks at a time without thinking of Fidel
Castro, but the Cuban-Americans of Miami obsess over him. If he werent
where he is, they think they wouldnt be where they are.
The Holy Saturday raid in which government officials reunited
Elián with his father was seen as a victory for Castro and further proof
to Miamis Cuban exiles that the world is against them. Uncle Lazaro had
said Attorney General Janet Reno would have to use force to get the boy. Dozens
of people told any TV camera or reporter who happened by that they would
willingly die to keep Reno and, by extension, Castro, from getting the boy.
Reno used force, and no one had to die. Both factors contributed to the sense
of betrayal in the community.
Cubans govern Miami and Hialeah, Floridas third- and
sixth-largest cities. With the refugees from hurricanes and the surrogate wars
against Castro, they give 2.2 million-person Miami-Dade County a
Spanish-speaking majority. A few old timers and displaced Yankees remain, but
they -- locally called Anglos -- amount to only 21 percent.
Miami Cubans are predominantly Catholic, and the saga of
Elián was told in the images of Catholic spirituality. But its not
a form encouraged in Rome, or at, say, Notre Dame. That the 6-year-old survived
the raft wreck that took his mother and six others was, in secular metaphor, a
miracle. Miami Cubans see it as a nonmetaphorical miracle.
It had a biblical echo of Moses among the bulrushes. To the basic
story, dolphins were added to keep his inner tube afloat and sharks away. The
boy, the dolphins and the Blessed Mother can be seen in a 15-foot mural quickly
painted in the modest neighborhood where Eliáns distant uncle
lived. Elián Gonzalez, 6, became the miracle boy.
With a Lourdes, or maybe a Joan of Arc, in his archdiocese,
Archbishop John Favalora did the smart thing. He kept his head down. When Pope
John Paul went to Cuba in 1998, the archdiocese lined up a cruise for
Catholics.
The Cuban community howled, and the archbishop had to call off the
cruise.
The pope thought he was on a pilgrimage, but Miami Cubans were
wary. They hoped he had a secret plan to overthrow Castro, but they feared he
might be a secret Fidelista. (It could happen. All politicians are Fidelistas
until they prove otherwise.)
Either way, John Pauls visit put the hypocritical tyrant on
the worlds front pages. And that was bad. They made the best of it, but
they didnt like it.
If the pope is suspect, an archbishop doesnt have a
chance.
The first wave of emigrants, in 1960, was like an exodus from
Cambridge, Princeton, Greenwich and Palo Alto. It cleaned Cuba out of
professionals, academics, entrepreneurs and engineers -- people who make things
go.
They brought the best of home with them. Centro Vasco restaurant
-- since firebombed for booking a 73-year-old Cuban singer who didnt
denounce Castro sufficiently -- moved lock, stock and wine cellar from Havana
to Miami. The Jesuits moved their Belem prep school lock, stock and classroom
crucifix. Havanas elite charity, the League Against Cancer, moved its
fund-raising balls to Miami area country clubs. Shops sprang up to sell the
tiny cups of concentrated caffeine Cubans call coffee.
Cubans continued to come. Another great wave arrived in 1980, when
Castro emptied his prisons and dared President Carter to turn away the boats.
That group has been here 20 years now, and guess what? Except for a few who
went from Castros prisons to ours, it has become middle class.
Ability to speak Spanish went from an asset for Miami Anglos to a
necessity. The most important news media are the four Spanish radio stations
playing constantly in public venues in Little Havana.
The crowds werent large at the home of Lazaro Gonzalez
(Eliáns great uncle) most of the time. But when the radio stations
go on DEFCON-1 with rumors that Clintonistas are about to seize the
boy, thousands gather within minutes.
There are four generations of Cubans. Sometimes the third, the one
born here, seems to be different. In the mid-1980s, the author T.D. Allman
described driving by rows of new homes, each with a Buick, Chevy, BMW or Volvo
in the driveway. The Buicks and Chevys, Allman observed, identified the
homeowners as Cubans. Anglo yuppies drove the imports.
Going native is harder than that. When something happens to
energize the older generations, the younger ones revert to blood.
The older Cubans lost their homeland. Veterans of the Bay of Pigs,
who were trapped on the beach and chained in Castros prisons, are still
alive and active. The young folks feel that they had it too easy compared to
their elders. Family feeling and guilt coalesce when something happens.
In Miami something always happens. A raft arrives. The pope visits
Cuba. Castro responds to a new tug on his beard. A few years ago, a pilot from
Miami managed to drop leaflets on Havana, which might seem impossible if he
stayed outside the international 12-mile limit. The wind carried
them, he said.
Nelson Mandela was snubbed by the Miami City Commission for saying
a good word for the dictator, who had said a good word for Mandela when no
American president would. African-Americans responded with a boycott. Unmoved,
Cubans said the African-Americans just dont understand.
Everybody here has his own Cossacks chasing him, my
friend Betsy Willeford said back when the population was more evenly balanced.
But Cubans think their Cossack is unique. I lost a friend forever just by
remarking that Lech Walesa couldnt have toppled a communist government
from a coffee shop in New York.
In a county where Cubans number in the hundreds of thousands, the
numbers at Uncle Lazaros house seldom reached 100. People had to be at
work. On weekends, the vigil had the elements of a street fair, with Gloria
Estefan performing free. But make no mistake. The faithful few spoke for the
community. They were more flamboyant than the others in their protestations
that they were willing to die for the miracle boy, but in Miami flamboyance is
a virtue.
For most Americans, the question was, should a 6-year-old be
returned to his father? In Miami it was, should a miracle boy be given back to
Castro? All debate ended with the last word of the question. Castro.
Tom Blackburn is an editorial writer and columnist with The Palm
Beach Post.
National Catholic Reporter, May 5,
2000
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