A vote for change in Chiapas
By GARY MacEOIN
Special to the National Catholic Reporter
Pablo Salazar Mendiguchías election as governor of
Chiapas marks the definitive close of the perfect dictatorship, as
Mexicans describe the 72-year rule of the Institutionalized Revolutionary Party
-- PRI. The partys loss of the presidency of the republic to Vicente Fox
of the National Action Party -- PAN -- last month is now compounded, says
Mexico Citys Excelsior, by the fall of its most important
electoral bastion.
La Jornada, another Mexico City daily, concurs, using even
stronger language. This is an unquestionable referendum, a statement of
the will of the majority in favor of peace and change. It is the start of the
dismemberment of an oligarchic, racist and corrupt system.
Political analysts identify two agents as prime factors in ending
PRIs political monopoly: the Zapatistas, a rebel force concentrated in
Chiapas, and Samuel Ruiz García, retired bishop of San Cristóbal
de Las Casas in Chiapas. Other than PRI leaders, no one has ever suggested
collusion between the two. But Ruizs longtime encouragement of the
indigenous to take control of their lives developed a political mentality that
would make them the sea in which the guerrillas swim.
The January 1994 Zapatista uprising brought the plight of the
indigenous for the first time to national and international attention. Ruiz, in
turn, as head of the negotiating team between the Mexican government and the
Zapatistas, promoted what he called civil society, public opinion expressed in
a network of nongovernmental organizations that have played a major role in the
national repudiation of the PRI.
Will the change bring peace to Chiapas? That is far from clear.
While campaigning, Fox promised to withdraw the army to its pre-1994 positions
and to implement the San Andres Accords. Post-election statements suggest,
however, that he may recant. The Fox strategy, says Marina Jimenéz,
director of the human rights center headed by Ruiz, is to keep talking while
continuing the present governments policies.
Since the Zapatista rebellion six years ago, that government has
waged low-intensity warfare in Chiapas, an area close to North Carolina in size
and with 4 million people. The bulk of the army has been gradually moved into
Chiapas, an additional 11,632 soldiers added in July, for a total of 80,000 in
the state, three times the level six years ago. Led by officers trained in
psychological warfare and dirty tricks at the School of the
Americas and other U.S. bases, the troops are deployed in or on the periphery
of municipalities sympathetic to the Zapatistas.
Joining them in ever-greater numbers are paramilitary groups
organized by the cattle barons and armed surreptitiously by the military, with
which they coordinate attacks. Human rights groups report that homes are
searched without warrants. Livestock and stored food are stolen. Roadblocks
interfere with freedom of movement. Women are molested, and men are arrested on
frivolous charges.
International observers are constantly harassed, many expelled
without explanation. Asna Jahanjir, U.N. special relator for extrajudicial,
arbitrary, and summary executions, reported last February that extrajudicial
executions were widespread and ongoing. Entire communities are forced to flee
to makeshift refugee camps. The survivors of the Acteal massacre have been
displaced for three years. They cannot return to Acteal, they say, because the
paramilitary still operates there. The result is an atmosphere of fear,
insecurity and further impoverishment of peasants.
The strongest defenders of the victims are church leaders and
church-related human rights organizations. Speaking at Guadalupe Sanctuary in
July, Raúl Vera López, formerly coadjutor bishop to Ruiz and now
bishop of Saltillo, urged President-elect Fox to fulfill his campaign promise
to implement the San Andres Accords. These Accords signed in 1996 by the
Zapatistas and the federal government committed the government to grant
autonomy to the indigenous people of Chiapas, giving them control over their
administrative and judicial affairs.
Bishop Felipe Arizmendi, Ruizs successor, has named Fr. Joel
Padrón his personal secretary. In 1991 Padrón made headlines when
Chiapas governor Patrocinio González, angered by Ruizs protests
against growing repression, imprisoned the priest on charges of
robbery, looting and organizing gangs. Ruiz, rejecting Gonzalezs offer to
free the priest in return for retracting the accusations about repression,
named Padrón diocesan director of prison ministry. Padrón was
released after national and international protests of his imprisonment.
Today Padrón is again in the headlines. In an e-mail to
President Zedillo he protested that he could not say Mass for the community of
Mercedes Isidoro, because the military was terrifying the people. He added that
he supported Arizmendi in deploring a recent assassination carried out by
people specially trained for this kind of operation, meaning
paramilitaries.
A pastoral letter issued by Arizmendi early in August is credited
with contributing to Salazars victory. It stressed the duty not only to
vote, but to vote for a candidate with a realistic program to end
marginalization and achieve justice and development for all, especially for the
indigenous. This was followed up by a news conference in San Cristóbal
on the eve of the election at which Ruiz supported Arizmendis call to
vote.
Sources close to the diocese interpret these actions as
establishing Arizmendis commitment to his predecessors policies. An
evaluation of the situation, which Ruiz presented at an August news conference
in Mexico City, where he has set up an office, confirms this view. According to
Ruiz, Archbishop Girolamo Prigione, while papal nuncio to Mexico, had asked
Ruiz to recommend a successor. Ruiz protested that a successor was already
named, Raúl Vera. The pope can change that, said Prigione.
I hope not, said Ruiz. But if he does, my choice would be
Arizmendi from the neighboring diocese of Tapachula. We have worked together
for years on the problems of Chiapas.
Ruiz also noted that Arizmendi was taking his new assignment very
seriously. When Arizmendi was named secretary general of CELAM (the Latin
American Bishops Conference) last year, he requested an assistant because
the job would demand major attention. Now he has resigned from CELAM to
give all his energies to San Cristóbal, Ruiz said. With
Arizmendis commitment and the end of a corrupt regime, prospects are
brighter for southern Mexicos indigenous people.
Gary MacEoins e-mail address is
gmaceoin@cs.com
National Catholic Reporter, September 1,
2000
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