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Cover
story Kenya
By EVELYN MATTERN
Special to the National Catholic Reporter Wajir,
Kenya
Wen I asked a cardiologist friend to
help me get medicines to take to a clinic in northeast Kenya, he said, Of
course. But Africa is off my mental map. We hardly hear about it in the
U.S. His comment resonated with my feelings. After all, I was going to
Africa to visit a sister in my community who was feeling isolated in her desert
town, a plane ride away from Nairobi and only 60 miles from Somalia. Were it
not for Sr. Teresanne, on an average day I might not think about or pray for
Africa.
Wajir, a lonely dot on the map of Kenya at the end of a thin line
stretching from Nairobi, gets mention in the guidebooks for its Martian
landscape, bandits and AK-47s. The guidebook does not suggest travel there. The
Kenyan air force has an outpost there, but civilians who can afford it fly in
on an unscheduled, hired missionary shuttle and leave on the plane that brings
in the towns supply of mira or qat, a twiggy drug chewed
for its intoxicating effect.
Wajir is home to Somali pastoral people, who have with their
camels and goats survived in the red desert for many generations. The town and
the entire northeast district of the country were included by the British in
Kenya instead of Somalia when they redrew the map of East Africa early last
century. As a result of the British-drawn borders, a predominantly Somali
population has had visited upon it a predominantly down Kenyan
civil service, police force and military. Overwhelmingly, those from down
Kenya (anywhere not the northeast) are Christian; the Somalis are Muslim.
These differences generate only a few of the tensions in Wajir.
In May, Virginia Azcueta and I, members of the Sisters For
Christian Community, embarked on a five-week visit to Wajir to spend time with
Sr. Teresanne Fornasero, who has worked there for 25 years. Teresanne founded a
village for tuberculosis patients, has established programs for women and the
aged and destitute, runs a small clinic, and is helping to build a school.
She has lived through famine, war, repression and the devastating
floods of El Niño that killed the animals on which the Somali depend for
survival. We think of Teresanne as a woman of steel, so when she expressed the
need for companionship, we went, carrying several hundred pounds of medicine
and the hope of getting her set up for e-mail.
In Nairobi, we got an old Mac laptop fitted up for e-mail by
several young computer experts at the Missionary Aviation Fellowship, a
Christian group that provides airplanes and other technical support for
missionaries in East Africa. Their four-seater plane carried us, the computer,
and about half of our medicines on a two-and-a-half hour flight to Wajir. Our
young Dutch pilot led us in prayer after he had carefully weighed us,
distributed our baggage and belted us into the seats of our toy
plane. Aloft, we watched as paved roads and the lush landscape of Nairobi gave
way to sandy desert tracks, fewer and fewer as we approached Wajir.
When we landed at the military airport, we were met by the pastor
at the Catholic Mission, Capuchin Fr. Francis Jabedo, and also by a German
missionary for the Protestant African Inland Church in Wajir. At the mission,
we had tea and a tour of the church and rectory, which were vandalized in 1998
on the same day (some say the same hour) as the bombing of the American Embassy
in Nairobi. Some say the embassy was bombed because a Christian minister, put
on trial for defacing a mosque, was spirited out of the country, presumably by
the U.S. government, before he could be punished.
Desecration in Wajir
In the attack on the mission, a mob of Muslims desecrated the
Blessed Sacrament, battered the crucifix and statues, and knocked through
rectory walls in an attempt to kill the pastor. Providentially, he was not
home. After the incident, Fr. Francis was sent to Wajir to assess the
situation. A young down Kenyan, he is both brave and judicious.
As we started out for Sr. Teresannes house and clinic across
town, a young Somali man came running to tell us a mob had gathered there. The
men were battering the gate and demanding biscuits they said UNICEF had left
with Sister after the El Niño emergency. The young mans breathless
intrusion reminded us that the last time Teresanne had been scheduled to return
to Wajir from Nairobi, she carried money from a Health Age International grant
that provides seed and food for destitute grannies. The local
police had thwarted a plot to take her money and steal the Catholic
Missions old Land Rover. Half a dozen Somali men with a cache of
automatic weapons were apprehended.
In light of that memory, we left our boxes of medicine at the
mission and drove to Teresannes house, where we found that the mob had
been dispersed. The women who live and work there were shaken, however, and
after the distraction of travel, Virginia and I were reminded that we had come
to Wajir to accompany our sister in a place of violence. We were afraid, but we
remembered the prayers of friends and community members who had supported our
coming.
Every day in Wajir held reminders of the violence engendered by
poverty and frustration. As we drove in Teresannes old Suzuki jeep
through the early morning market, skirting goats and donkey carts, we saw the
Zafannanna Express, the rainbow-painted bus that crosses the desert daily.
Taking on passengers with bundles and small animals, it sat between two big
trucks full of police armed with automatic weapons. Each week we heard of
police and passengers killed by shiftas, bandits who have gone into the
bush and rob for money, weapons and food. Nearly everyone we met in Wajir has a
story of an encounter with shiftas, who sometimes storm boldly into
towns to pillage.
Though the shiftas steal food, they cannot be hungrier than
many Somalis living in town or its surrounding bolas, villages of
circular thatched huts. Sr. Teresanne estimates that 80 percent of the patients
at her clinic have diseases caused or exacerbated by lack of food. TB and
malaria are rampant, and AIDS is not uncommon. The Somalis are not farmers, so
any food other than camel, goat or chicken has to be brought across the
dangerous desert. It is consequently expensive. We tried to feed a banana to a
10-year-old Somali girl, dying of hunger and the effects of rheumatic fever,
and she didnt know how to eat it. A boy, 3 or 4 years old, was the size
of a 10-month-old, all jawbone and wrinkled skin. He hadnt eaten in so
long that he no longer could swallow. His eyes stared at us like the eyes of a
reproving old man. The violence of hunger permeates northeast Kenya.
Ideological violence
Other violence there stems from ideology. Some Christians in Wajir
understand that fundamentalist Islam has designs on large parts of Africa,
especially the Horn. At least one scholar, Ali A. Mazrui, has written about
Africa as potentially the first Islamic continent. Somalis in
northeast Kenya have always been Muslim, but not fundamentalist. In recent
decades, however, crises in Somalia have brought many refugees across the
Kenyan border. Arab oil money has funded young Somali mens studies
abroad; some return to Wajir committed to fundamentalism. Also, Kenyas
neighbor, Sudan, is governed in the North by Muslims aspiring to regional,
perhaps even global, leadership. Christianity, viewed by many as a religion of
the West, is a logical target for fundamentalist Islam, which sees itself in
protest against the current social order.
How the tensions manifest themselves in Wajir can be subtle. More
women are wearing chadors to cover their faces, and public school uniforms for
girls increasingly include the chador. Some Muslims wrap their hand with part
of their veil or sleeve before shaking a Christians hand. One night at
the hospital, where I accompanied Teresanne, a nurse refused to shake our hands
despite his obvious appreciation of our visit to the destitute there. A
pagan fool rushing in, I couldnt resist saying
Salaam as our farewell, adding, There is only one God.
He smiled. An active Catholic down Kenyan, whom I met at a basic
Christian community, teaches at a public high school with mostly Somali
teachers. When I saw him again at the school, he barely acknowledged me and
curtly directed me to the headmaster for assistance. I think he may not have
wanted to call attention to his Christian associations.
Not all the tensions manifest themselves so subtly. Several times
children stoned our jeep, shouting pagan in Somali. An Italian lay
missioner advised me to take them off guard by waving at them first. Although I
felt like Pope John Paul II in his popemobile or the Queen of England gesturing
from side to side with my wave, the tactic worked. One day, though, Teresanne
was walking from her clinic when a teenage Quran school student hit her with a
rock. She chased him to the mosque. Come out, she cried,
Allah doesnt want this behavior. Faces appeared at windows,
but no one came out.
A stone-throwing crowd
One Sunday afternoon, Teresannes basic Christian community,
a few men, a dozen women and as many children, all down Kenyans
walking to her house, were followed by a jeering Somali crowd throwing stones.
A gang of older boys gathered at the gate to continue their harassment, and
only the intervention of a Somali woman neighbor who threatened to call the
police dispersed them.
Not all the violence in Wajir comes from the Somali and Muslim
side. Fifteen years ago, the Kenyan administration, tired of Somali interclan
conflict, took a few thousand Somali men to an airstrip in the desert, tortured
some and left them all to die. A few missionaries with vehicles broke the
curfew to bring victims from the airstrip to a hospital. One missionary was
caught. She was arrested and declared persona non grata in Kenya. The wives and
children of the murdered Somali men now live as squatters in a bola
surrounding the Catholic Mission, a lively reminder to the Somali majority that
they live at the mercy of the Kenyan government.
Much violence perpetrated by the Kenyan government does not
involve guns, however. Colonized by British tea and coffee planters who took
over tribal lands (weep if you loved Out of Africa), Kenya declared
independence after the Mau-Mau rebellion of the 1950s. Critics complain that
the country slid quickly into a neo-colonial pattern. Foreign companies
continued as the major investors in the country, sharing profits with a new
native Kenyan bourgeoisie. With politics seen as an avenue to personal profit,
corruption took hold at all levels. One day I found Teresanne near tears
because she had gotten only one-tenth of the rice ration allotted to her
destitute grannies. Nine-tenths had been skimmed off as the rice
passed through many hands and way stations on the way to her clinic.
Another day, local prison wardens came to request from Teresanne a
long list of medications, which the government had not supplied them. When
Teresanne agreed only to fill specific prescriptions for one prisoner at a
time, the wardens continued to press her until she gave them an open box of
syringes, which, as she said, They will only sell. When I spoke to
her and to Kenyans about supporting Jubilee 2000, the churches effort
toward debt forgiveness for the poorest countries, they cautioned that debt
alleviation would be a mistake for Kenya unless tied to profound political and
economic changes in the country.
Sign of underlying disorder
A Comboni missionary in Nairobi, Fr. Renato Kizito Sesana, writes
a column for The Sunday Nation of Kenya and supports debt forgiveness
for Africa and other Third World countries, with similar stipulations. He
concludes, Foreign debt is the most apparent sign of an underlying
disorder. Unless the deeper causes are addressed, any solution will be
temporary and the debt trap will be set again.
As for what Kenya can do, Kizito quotes Anglican Archbishop
Desmond Tutu: [T]here should be a six-month moratorium on debt repayments
just to ensure that this cancellation would benefit the people, not some new
elite. The conditions should be: a) true democratization -- when it is clear
that the people participate in decision-making; b) respect for human rights; c)
demilitarization; d) redirecting money thus saved for the benefit of so-called
ordinary people. If these conditions are met, then debt should be
canceled.
Meanwhile, even the richest parts of Kenya are sinking deep into
poverty. The youth who have somehow managed to get an education, often with the
help of the churches, find there are no jobs. They are too many to farm their
parents small shambas or plots, so they go to Nairobi where, if
they are lucky, they find housing in a shantytown on the perimeter and, if they
are really lucky, a job. Each morning and evening, waves of people walk long
distances across the city to their jobs or to look for work, since most lack
the money to pay for a space on an overcrowded matatu, or bus.
The future of the youth will also be affected by the 1999
government decision to close all teacher-training colleges for two years, for
lack of money. As it is, many public schools exist only because the local
community, including the churches, come together to build and support them. In
Wajir, Teresanne has used money donated by visiting European relief workers to
help build a primary school, classroom by classroom, on the condition that half
the students will be girls. One priest from the fertile Rift Valley predicts
that Kenya will have a revolution because millions of its young people have no
sustaining work to do.
Can the Kenyan government be blamed entirely for the poverty of
the majority of Kenyans? It can surely be blamed for its human rights
violations. Corruption has led to the need for repression. Arrests, detentions
without trial and unexplained killings of outspoken citizens are not uncommon.
Ngugi wa Thiongo, Kenyas most famous living novelist and
playwright, more than once detained for writing about the corruption, has lived
in exile for many years.
The president says
Daniel arap Moi has been President of Kenya for the last 20 years,
since the death of nationalist hero President Jomo Kenyatta. Moi has presided
over the movement from a one-party system to a party-state. The KANU party
functions almost seamlessly with the state apparatus. Parliament members also
hold government ministry positions. The Kenyan Broadcasting Company, the main
source of news in rural areas like Wajir, reports the news mainly as it relates
to the president. Coverage of even major international events begins,
President Daniel arap Moi says ...
President Moi also plays the down Kenyan tribes --
Kikuyu, Luo, Kalenjin, and others -- against each other, inflaming ethnic
tensions as a means of retaining power. When he visited Wajir recently, all the
phones were disconnected as a security measure.
Since independence, the churches in Kenya have moved from
semi-establishment status (Anglican and Presbyterian under the
colonial regime) to that of protesters against government authoritarianism. No
other institutions exist outside the single-party state, so church leaders are
the only ones who can challenge it. One outspoken Anglican bishop has died
under suspicious circumstances.
The Roman Catholic bishops may be less vulnerable than other
church leaders because they speak together as members of the Catholic
Conference. Archbishop Raphael Ndingi of Nairobi has been pushing for a
constitutional revision to allow movement toward a multiparty system. The Roman
Catholic church has many young priests and sisters who serve the poor with
spirit. Lively liturgies and some probing theology nourish active lay people.
Especially near the cities, building on its heavy involvement in health care
and education in a country that has too little of those commodities, the church
can afford to be prophetic.
Kenya is not one of the 40 most impoverished countries the Jubilee
2000 debt forgiveness campaign is focusing on, though 28 of the 40 are in
Africa. Like other African countries rich in resources, it has lost the ability
to sustain itself because of both internal corruption and external pressures,
such as the international debt structure. Like other African countries, Kenya
ceased to play a role in geopolitical maneuverings after the end of the Cold
War. The West no longer needs to buy Kenyas friendship. Some observers
predict that as Islamic fundamentalism progresses across the African continent,
the West will begin again to take Kenya seriously. For now, however, Africa
provides few consumers and markets for investment capital. Few who live there
will buy computers and use them to speculate in Europe, Tokyo or New York. A
used Mac will do quite well for e-mail in Wajir -- if the phone line is
working.
My cardiologist friend got it right. Africa is outside our line of
vision, off of our economic map. But it must remain on our moral map. We are
profoundly connected. In his novel Petals of Blood, the exiled Ngugi wa
Thiongo has a character say, I saw that we were serving the same
monster-god as they were in America. ... [H]ow many Kimathis must die, how many
motherless children must weep, how long shall our people continue to sweat so
that a few, a given few, might keep a thousand dollars in the bank of the
monster-god that for 400 years had ravished a continent? The whole world
is now organized around economism, the service of wealth or Mammon.
The West, we might say, takes what is offered in tribute to its god. The Third
World, in the United States as well as Africa, offers up as tribute its
starving and futureless children.
I returned to the United States daunted by the experience of being
in miserable grass huts where people are starving but guns are readily
available. The same monster-god as in America. Im looking for a group
that works to make public the names of U.S. companies exporting weapons to
Africa. Those names are not currently public information.
My body rejected the red desert dust of Wajir, but Virginia is
preparing to join Teresanne for the long term. My prayers will be with both of
them and with all who have the special vocation of laboring where the
monster-god, Mammon, draws its tentacles so tight.
Sr. Evelyn Mattern is a member of Sisters for Christian
Community. Her most recent book is Why Not Become Fire? Encounters with
Women Mystics (Ave Maria Press).
National Catholic Reporter, October 13,
2000
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