Viewpoint New sanctions proposal not much help to Iraqis
By KATHY KELLY
Some months ago, as the outlines of
the smart sanctions proposal offered by the United States and the United
Kingdom were emerging, Londons Economist pointed out that
smart sanctions offer an aspirin where surgery is needed. Mil Rai,
a British author who has led several Voices in the Wilderness delegations to
Iraq, wrote that he views the smart sanctions as a powerful
sedative, lulling the worlds conscience to sleep.
Many U.S. people, returning from Iraq, have put a human face on
the price of economic sanctions, telling of hardships and sufferings caused by
dire lack of needed goods. Now comes this new plan that will allow these needed
goods into Iraq. Worldwide, many people would welcome news of an impending end
to the sanctions. It would seem the main problem is solved. But hang on.
Bringing commodities into a country doesnt help if people
cant buy the commodities. Civil servants, such as doctors, sanitation
workers and teachers, wont have purchasing power unless the government of
Iraq can pay them better wages in an Iraqi dinar that is worth
something. People with low wages or those who are unemployed wont have
cash to pay their rent or to buy needed goods unless the Iraqi economy is
restarted so that they can go back to work earning meaningful wages.
Iraqs infrastructure cant be repaired by simply
bringing equipment and spare parts into the country. Iraq needs to train
people, to pay people, and to undertake what some estimate to be 96 billion
dollars worth of infrastructure rehabilitation. Yet the original proposal put
forward by the United Kingdom would not allow Iraq to receive any foreign or
private investment monies. Nor would it allow the Iraqi government revenues to
purchase Iraqi-produced food and other goods. If border states were to
cooperate with the proposed smart sanctions plan, no cash earned
through foreign exchange would enter Iraq.
In recent years, Iraq has partially circumvented the U.N.
requirement to deposit oil revenues in a U.N. escrow account through smuggling
oil to Syria, Turkey and Iran. It has used cash from these sales to pay for
maintenance of its military, its intelligence network and its palaces. But it
has also used cash from smuggled oil sales for payment of civil servants and
some of the expected expenses of running a modern society. Another source of
cash has come through surcharges that Iraq recently imposed on each barrel of
oil it sells. Iraq lowered the price of each barrel beneath that which the oil
for food negotiations called for and then added a surcharge ($.50 per barrel).
If a company paid it, (and the companies have been paying), the sum went
directly to the government of Iraq.
If the original United Kingdom proposal were to pass, revenues
gained from surcharges and smuggled oil sales would be stopped. The United
Nations would demand that Jordan, Syria and Turkey channel their compensation
for trade with Iraq into a U.N.-monitored escrow account, deposited in their
own country, which Iraq could use only to purchase commodities produced by that
particular state. In other words, if Iraq sold oil to a neighboring Syria,
Syrias payment would go into an escrow account in Syria, and Iraq could
only draw from that account to buy Syrian goods. What if the goods are
overpriced? What if they are defective? Are there any guarantees to protect
Iraq from unfair trade deals?
Adding salt to the wound, Iraq would have to pay the salaries of
the U.N. infrastructure monitoring its borders -- payments to be made out of
revenues deposited in the U.N.-controlled escrow account.
Shall we expect the government of Iraq, or any government for that
matter, to welcome such a proposal? Is it fair to vilify or further threaten
the government of Iraq for rejecting it?
Availability of more commodities will surely alleviate some
suffering for some Iraqis. Yet it appears that the original U.K. proposal was
crafted to bring Iraq more welfare and not to bring about the kinds of changes
that are needed or that the Marshall Plan wrought following World War II.
Ive traveled to and from Iraq 13 times since 1996. Each
time, I feel that Im leaving behind an imprisoned nation. On the outside,
many people may long for a solution to the current problems in Iraq that would
sedate pangs of conscience over suffering of the innocents that weve
helped cause. Inside Iraq, many people feel resigned to being trapped, but
nothing can sedate the anguish of loss, the fears of continued punishment, and
the bewildered question we hear so often: Laish? Laish? Why,
why?
Kathy Kelly co-coordinates Voices in the Wilderness, a campaign
to end the U.N. economic sanctions against Iraq.
National Catholic Reporter, June 29,
2001
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