Tense visit to Ukraine
By JOHN L. ALLEN JR.
NCR Staff Kiev and Lviv, Ukraine
For lack of a loftier vocabulary, one could say Catholic leaders
who take a stance on relations with Eastern Orthodoxy fall into two camps: the
hawks and the doves.
Doves believe that Catholicism, as the larger, richer and more
powerful branch of the Christian family, should approach the Orthodox with
humility in order to reassure the Orthodox, whose concerns range from
proselytism in the present to pillage in the era of the Crusades.
Hawks, meanwhile, urge a policy of peace through strength. Unity,
they argue, doesnt mean always saying youre sorry.
While the doves dominated the popes May visit to Greece, the
hawks held the upper hand during his June 23-27 swing through Ukraine, a
predominantly Orthodox nation of 50 million people on the western flank of
Russia.
John Paul divided his five-day visit between the capital city of
Kiev, located in the eastern part of the nation, and Lviv in the west.
That part of Ukraine was once part of the Polish-Lithuanian empire, and is
roughly half Catholic.
The principal motive for the trip, John Pauls 94th outside
Italy, was to bolster the 6 million Greek Catholics in Ukraine who follow
Eastern liturgies but are loyal to Rome. These believers, first brought into
the Catholic fold under a Polish king, were brutally suppressed under the
Soviets and would obviously stir deep echoes in John Paul.
It was in Kiev in 988 that Prince Vladimir the Great was baptized,
signaling the birth of Slavic Christianity. That too helps explain why a papal
spokesperson said that John Paul II, the Slavic pope, was living a
dream here.
In dealing with Orthodox sensitivities, the Catholic attitude in
Ukraine was more muscular, less apologetic, than in other recent
encounters.
Although the pope had been careful to hold off on visiting Greece
until he got an invitation from the Orthodox hierarchy, he came to Ukraine over
the bitter opposition of Orthodox leaders here and in Moscow (the largest
branch of Orthodoxy in Ukraine is part of the Russian Orthodox church).
In Greece, John Paul wouldnt even ride in the popemobile for
fear of whipping up resentment over papal triumphalism. Here, not only did the
popemobile tool through the streets, but John Paul allowed himself to be
photographed in a brotherly embrace with Public Enemy No. 1 for Russian
Orthodox leaders Patriarch Filaret. Filaret is a rebel bishop
threatening to peel away the Ukrainian Orthodox from Moscows control.
The encounter with Filaret, albeit in the context of an
interreligious session, was a clear statement that the popes agenda was
not going to be dictated from Moscow.
In Athens, John Paul left behind his own expert on Eastern
churches, Cardinal Ignatius Moussa I Daoud, because Greek Orthodox leaders
sniffed that the mere presence of an Eastern-rite Catholic on Greek soil would
be offensive. Here, Daoud was conspicuously present.
How to explain the difference?
First, the response of Patriarch Alexei II in Moscow to the
popes sweeping apology to the Orthodox in Greece annoyed many Catholic
ecumenical experts. Alexei said the apology didnt solve problems on the
ground and renewed his veto on a possible papal trip to Moscow. The result was
a loss of patience on the Catholic side.
Daoud, for one, said during the May 21-24 consistory in Rome that
the Catholic church should be wary of apologizing too much and too often.
Second, unlike Greece where Catholics are the tiniest of
minorities, in Ukraine the Greek Catholics represent 15 percent of the
population. Memories of the Soviet era, when the Orthodox received Catholic
property seized by the communists and in other ways were perceived as complicit
in oppression, are very much alive.
On June 28, John Paul II beatified 27 martyrs of the Greek
Catholic church, many killed precisely because they refused to be assimilated
into Orthodoxy as Stalin dictated in 1946. In his homily the pope quoted former
Greek Catholic leader Josef Slipyi, who said Ukraine had been covered
with mountains of corpses and rivers of blood.
One of those martyrs was boiled alive, another was crucified in
prison, and a third may have been bricked into a wall.
Given that history, Greek Catholics are often impatient with
suggestions that one should ask for Orthodox permission in Catholic
matters.
The pope seemed at times to be consciously positioning himself as
a pastor spiritually closer to Ukraine than the Russian Orthodox patriarch. The
pope spoke a very polished Ukrainian at every public occasion, creating an
obvious contrast with Alexei, who has never spoken Ukrainian to his own flock
here. One Catholic said bitterly that during the years of Soviet occupation,
Russians typically said that Ukrainian was fit only to speak to
livestock.
Still, there were moments when deference prevailed. John Paul had
wanted to visit the Monastery of the Caves and the Church of St. Sofia in Kiev,
both among the holiest sites in the Orthodox world. A small band of Orthodox
believers maintained a round-the-clock prayer vigil at the monastery, chanting
a ritual designed to ward off the approach of an enemy. The pope contented
himself with stopping his car outside St. Sofia and offering a prayer from the
back seat.
John Paul also held back from one concession devoutly wished by
many Greek Catholics: acknowledging their leader, Cardinal Lubomyr Husar, as a
patriarch, the traditional term for the head of an Eastern church. Doing so
would offend Moscow, but Greek Catholics intend to press ahead. During the
Byzantine-rite Mass in Kiev, a Greek Catholic priest referred to Husar as
patriarch during a moment in the liturgy when church leaders are invoked. It
was, according to observers, a deliberate prod.
Ninety percent of Greek Catholics already think of Husar as
their patriarch, said Fr. Andriy Chirovsky, a Greek Catholic priest who
runs a program of Eastern Studies at St. Pauls University in Ottawa.
Husar himself struck a gracious note at the final Mass June 27,
offering an apology for certain sons and daughters of the Ukranian Greek
Catholic church who consciously and voluntarily did evil things to their
neighbors.
There were disappointing moments for John Paul. Turnout at the two
papal Masses in Kiev, one each in the Latin and the Byzantine rites, was
surprisingly low. Organizers had planned for 300,000, but only some 40,000
showed up each day.
Yet a massive youth gathering in Lviv obviously cheered the
popes spirits. By the end, a beaming John Paul was belting out Polish
folk songs about the rain.
Ironically, while Catholics and Orthodox may wrangle on a
conceptual level, in the trenches the most painful fissures are often within,
not between, the two churches.
On the Catholic side, there is tension between the Latin-rite
church, dominated by Poles, and Greek Catholics. While the Eastern-rite
Catholics are numerically much larger, they feel that the Poles wield a
disproportionate influence -- for example, deciding that the popes first
Mass in both Kiev and Lviv would be in the Latin, rather than the
Byzantine, rite.
Meanwhile the Orthodox in Ukraine are split into three groups. The
largest branch is connected to Moscow, while the other two are independent.
Though the Ukrainian government is officially neutral, in reality observers
here believe the state favors an independent Ukrainian church less subservient
to Russia.
The Greek Catholics likewise generally hope for an independent
Ukrainian Orthodox church, as the first step toward restoring the ancient
church of Kiev-- the undivided Ukrainian church that entered into union
with Rome in 1596, thinking it could be both Orthodox and yet loyal to the
pope. The long-term goal is détente between an independent Ukrainian
Orthodox church and the Catholic church.
Diplomatic observers were attentive to the political message of
the trip. In a Ukraine teetering between pro-Western and pro-Russian pressures,
the popes call for the country to embrace its European
vocation had special resonance.
While in Ukraine, John Paul also visited two sites with memorials
to 20th-century atrocities. At Babi Yar, Nazis executed some 200,000 people,
mostly Jews, while at Bikivnya, thousands of victims of Stalinist repression
were buried in mass graves. Both sites are in Kiev.
The e-mail address for John L. Allen Jr. is
jallen@natcath.org
National Catholic Reporter, July 13,
2001
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